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LIBR^JhLY 

OF  THE 

University  of  California. 

Gl  FT    OF 

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tlbe  Tanivctsiti?  of  Chicago 

njaniMV  by  jofn«  d.  BocicxyBiJ.K« 


NOTES  ON  SOME  OFFIQALS  OF  THE 
SARGONID  PERIOD 


PART  OF  A  DISSERTATION 

SUBMITTED    TO    THE    FACULTY    OF    THE    GRADUATE    SCHOOL    OF    ARTS 

AND    LITERATURE    IN    CANDIDACY   FOR    THE    DEGREE 

OF   DOCTOR    OF    PHILOSOPHY 

(DEPARTMENT  OF   SESDTICS) 


BY 

ALLEN  HOWARD  GODBEY 


> 


^ 


CHICAGO 
1906 


Zbe  "Glnlvetsfts  o(  Cbicaflo 

rOlIXDKD  BY  JOHN  D.  ROCKBFELLEK 


NOTES  ON  SOME  OFFICIALS  OF  THE 
SARGONID  PERIOD 


PART  OF  A  DISSERTATION 

SUBMITTED    TO    THE    FACULTY    OF    THE    GRADUATE    SCHOOL    OF    ARTS 

AND    LITERATURE    IN    CANDIDACY    FOR    THE    DEGREE 

OF    DOCTOR    OF    PHILOSOPHY 

(department  of  SEMITICS) 


BY 

ALLEN  HOWARD  GODBEY 


y 


CHICAGO 
1906 


b-^ 


PRINTED  AT  THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  CHICAGO  PRESS 


o 
•*?" 


ABBREVIATIONS. 

ABC.  =  Stevenson,  Assyrian  and  Babylonian  Contracts. 

ABLCL.  =  Johns,  Assyrian  and  Bal>yloni(tn  Laws,  Contracts,  and  Letters. 

ABPR.  =Meissnor,  Alt-Bahylonischc  Priratrecht. 

ADD.  =  Johns,  Assyrian  Deeds  and  Documents. 

AJSL.  =  American  Journal  of  Semitic  Languages  and  Literatures. 

AKA.  =  Budere  and  Kinp,  Annals  of  the  Kings  of  Assyria,  Vol.  I. 

AL.  —S.  A.  Smith,  Assyrian  Letters. 

AOF.  =  Winckler,  A  It-Orient alische  Forschungen. 

BAS.  =  Beit  rage  zur  Assyriologie. 

Br.  =  Brunnow,  A  Classified  List. 

CH.  =  RFHarper,  The  Code  of  If  am  murabi. 

DB.  =  Hastings,  Dictionary  of  the  Bible. 

DES.  =  Thompson,  Deviit  and  Evil  Spirits  of  Assyria  and  Babylonia. 

EAR.  =E.  A.  Hoffman  Collection  in  Radau's  EBH. 

EB.  =  Cheyne-Black,  Encyclopcedia  Bihlica. 

EBA.  =  Amiaud  and  Mechineau,  L^Ecriture  babylonienne  et  assyrienne. 

EBH.  =Radau,  Early  Babylonian  History. 

HABL.  =  RFHarpor,  Assyrian  and  Babylonian  Letters. 

HWB.  =  Delitzsch,  Assyrisches  Handiv6rterbuch. 

JAOS.  =  Journal  of  the  American  Oriental  Society. 

JEL.  =  Johnston,  Epistolary  Literature  of  the  Assyrians  and  Babylonians. 

JRAS.  =  Journal  of  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society. 

LIH.  =  King,  Letters  and  Iiiscriptions  of  Hammurabi. 

LS.  =  Lehmann,  Sama^-iu)n-ukin. 

MVAG.  =  Mittheilungen  der  Vorder-Asiatischen  Gesellschaft. 

OBI.  =  Hilprecht,  Old  Babylonian  Inscriptions. 

PEFSt.  =  Palestine  Exploration  Fund  Quarterly  Statement. 

PSBA.  =  Proceedings  of  the  Society  of  Bililical  Archa'ology . 

RMA.  =  Thompson,  Reports  of  the  Magicians  and  A.slrologers  of  Nineveh. 

RS.  =  Robertson  Smith.  Religion  of  the  Semites. 

SAS.  Abp.=  S.  A.  Smith,  Die  Keilschrifttexte  Asurbanipals. 

SSO.  =  Barton,  .1  Sketch  of  Semitic  Origins. 

Stmbd.  =Strassmaier.  Inschriften  von  Nabonids. 

Strnbk.  =  Strassmaier,  Ituichriften  von  Nabuchodonosor. 

Sup.  —  Moissuer,  Supplement  zu  den  assyri.tchen  IVOrterbUchern. 

TSBA.  —  Transactions  of  the  .Society  of  Biblical  Archaeology. 

ZA.  =  Zeitschrifl  fiir  Assyriologie. 


i  ai  ^r>!> 


NOTES  ON  SOME  OFFICIALS  OF  THE 
SARGONID  PERIOD. 


(Revised  from  American  Jouriial  of  Semitic  Languages  and  Literatures, 
January,  1905,  and  October,  1905.) 


It  is  not  to  be  expected  that  any  exhaustive  treatment  of  this 
subject  can  be  achieved  for  years  to  come.  C.  H.  W,  Johns,  in 
his  Assyrian  Deeds  and  Documents,  has  shown  us  one  field  from 
which  much  information  may  be  derived,  and  has  done  excellent 
pioneer  work  in  Assyrian  official  antiquities.  It  is  the  present 
purpose  to  render  more  available  for  the  general  student  the  rich 
material  in  R.  F.  Harper's  Assyrian  and  Babylonian  Letters. 
The  accompanying  index  is  intended  to  give  a  list  of  all  the 
various  officials,  tradesmen,  and  men  of  sacred  and  learned  pro- 
fessions, that  are  mentioned  in  the  eight  volumes  of  letters 
now  published.  It  will  be  followed  by  excursus  upon  different 
functionaries. 

The  determinative  prefix  amelu  is  used  throughout  the  letters 
with  very  great  regularity.  But  few  cases  of  its  omission  are 
noticeable.  A  rab -so-and-so  may  sometimes  be  without  it,  as  in 
the  case  of  Abni,  the  rab  BIR  of  the  land  of  the  city  of  Arpadda, 
in  [221]  K.  175,  obv.  12.  The  term  pikittu  is  also  used  in  a 
way  that  leaves  one  a  little  uncertain  whether  or  not  some  func- 
tionary is  always  meant.  We  have  an^^i  bel  pikitte,  as  in 
[573]  K.  1003,  obv.  7;  b6l  pikitti  [608]  K.  1136,  rv.  9; 
pikitte  sa  bit  mar-sarri  sa  kutalli,  [658]  83-1-18,  81, 
obv.   9,   10.     In  the  stereotyped  formulae  of  salutation,  we  have 

5 


6        Notes  on  Some  Officials  of  the  Saegonid  Period 

ana  ^'"®'  pikitti  sa  Belit  parsi  sulmu,  in  [12]  K.  666, 
obv.  6,  7.  The  same  without  the  ^""^^  occurs  in  [7]  K.  601, 
obv.  4.  I  do  not  at  present  know  any  other  term  that  affords  so 
much  cause  for  uncertainty.  Its  occurrence  without  any  deter- 
minative prefix  is  frequent ;  yet  in  some  of  these  places  a 
functionary  is  certainly  meant.  There  may  be  a  few  other  words 
without  any  determinative  prefix  which  really  indicate  officials; 
one  cannot  be  positive  on  this  point  till  every  word  occurring  in 
the  letters  is  certainly  understood. 

It  is  not  intended  to  include  in  this  index  gentilic  names  and 
adjectives.  These  belong  rather  to  the  geographical  data  afforded 
by  the  letters,  which  are  being  compiled  by  Mr.  O.  A.  Toffteen. 
There  are  terms,  of  course,  concerning  which  there  may  be  a 
reasonable  doubt ;  and  it  may  be  that  some  have  been  assigned  to 
the  geographical  data  that  should  have  been  included  here. 

Also,  it  has  been  the  intention  to  omit  all  occurrences  of  other 
words  with  the  determinative  prefix  amsiu  ^^-^^t  do  not  promise 
anything  of  importance  in  relation  to  the  general  subject.  The 
word  sabe  has  been  omitted  from  the  list,  being  a  purely  general 
term,  without  any  necessary  implications  of  rank.  For  illustra- 
tion, we  have  in  [631]  K.  1265,  obv.  9-13,  Ya-ra-pa-a,  rab 
ki-sir;  ga-tar-a-nu,  rab  ki-sir;  Ga-na-bu,  Ta-am-ra- 
nu;    puhur   4  ^'"^^  sabe;    yet  two  of  the  four  are  officers. 

It  will  be  recognized,  then,  as  advisable  that  a  list  should  be 
given  here  indicating  terms  systematically  excluded  from  the 
index.  Besides  the  frequent  ^'"^^  sabe,  we  find  ^""^^  emuki-ia 
or  -su,  "a  man  of  my  or  his  troop,"  e.g.,  [197]  K.  181,  obv.  11; 
amelu  alone,  for  "a  man"  or  "any  man,"  [55]  K.  483,  rv.  1,  4; 
amel  +  u-tu  for  "mankind,"  [128]  K.  650,  obv.  10;  ^^^^  mkv- 
su=  "the  man  his  son,"  [117]  K.  991,  rv.  12,  ^'"^^  ardu,  [9] 
K.  618,  obv.  14;  ^'"^^  nakru,  or  nakruti,  "the  enemy,"  [340] 
Bu.  91-5-9,  183,  obv.  21;  ^"^^^  tebie,  "attacking  forces,"  [275] 
K.  82,  obv.  17,  rv.  12;  ^"^^  bele  bitu,  "leaders  of  rebellion," 
[460]  K.  1250,  obv.  15;  ^""ei  parrisu  su,  "that  liar,"  [208]  K. 
617,  obv.  17;  ^'"^^  bel  ihtallikani,  "the  leader  of  those  who 
ravage,"  [771]  83-1-18,  49,  rv.  13;  ^™^i  lisanisu,  "a  man  of 
his  speech,"  [741]  S.  807,  obv.  5;  '^'"^^  mukinnika,  "thy  sup- 
porter," [416]  80-7-19,  19,  obv.  6;  ^"^s^  kinatatikunu,  similar 
to  preceding,  [37]  K.  1039,  obv.  7;  ^™«^  ra'mani,  "(those  men 
are  not)   lovers   (of  the  king  my  lord),"    [277]   K.  1066,  rv.  8; 


Index  of  Officials  7 

a^n^i  zi'rani,  "haters,"  [210]  K.  647,  rv.  9;  ^"'^^  b6l  dini'a, 
"my  adversary,  prosecutor,"  [416]  80-7-19,  19,  obv.  7;  «"«^ 
babtute,  "plunderers,"  [839]  83-1-18,  21,  obv.  16;  ««"«!  bubtu, 
"prisoner,  captive,"  [280]  K.  10,  obv.  10;  '^'°«^  munnabitu, 
"fugitive,"  [839]  83-1-18,  21,  obv.  16;  ^-"^i  b6l6  tabtia,  "my 
allies,  partisans,"  [281]  K.  13,  obv.  12,  24;  «•"«!  bnnlu,  is  for 
anniu,  [787]  R"*  55,  rv.  6;  ''"'^^  GIG,  might  be  "sick  man," 
usually  kadistu,  [370]  81-2-4,  49,  obv.  14;  ^'"ei  mihir,  [718] 
Bu.  91-5-9,  87,  rv.  6;  '^'"^i  mftr-banu,  [280]  K.  10,  obv.  16; 
«™6i  kinnisu,  etc.,  "a  man  of  his  family,"  [542]  K.  114,  rv.  7; 
amat  ekalli,  "a  female  slave  of  the  palace,"  [99]  K.  5466,  rv. 
18;  all  passages  that  merely  express  family  relationships,  such  as 
"father,"  "brother,"  "sister,"  etc.;  ^"^^^  a,  in  a  broken  passage, 
[101]  K.  561,  rv.  11,  perhaps  stands  for  "son."  In  a  few  passages 
there  may  be  scribal  errors ;  but  this  question  is  best  deferred  for 
the  excursus.  It  is  understood  that  the  foregoing  are  but  speci- 
men references;  some  of  the  phrases  occur  frequently.  Their 
irrelevance  to  the  proposed  investigation  will  be  recognized. 

Nor  has  it  been  deemed  within  the  province  of  the  index  to 
correct  the  occasional  scribal  errors.  It  is  preferred  to  give  the 
reading  as  it  stands,  leaving  corrections  and  comments  for  the 
excursus.  Anyone  will  recognize  that  tur  §ip-ia,  [500]  K. 
1303,  obv.  10,  is  an  error  for  tur  sip-ri-ia;  ma-za-ei  pa-ni, 
[656]  82-5-22,  168,  rv.  8,  is  the  reading  in  the  text  for  mazazi 
=  manzazi.  Tur  me-sa-ni  occurs  in  [205]  K.  537,  obv.  5. 
I  suspect  the  sa  is  a  defective  ra,  and  that  we  should  read 
mar-siprani.  A.ri,  however,  for  "courier,"  does  not  seem  to 
be  an  error,  as  one  might  at  first  suppose.  It  is  listed  by  Brlin- 
now,  No.  11451.  It  occurs  in  *™«i  a.ri.ka,  [208]  K.  617,  rv.  9. 
Scribal  errors  are,  on  the  whole,  rare  in  titular  elements  of  the 
Letters. 

The  references  given  are  double:  the  first  number,  in  brackets, 
being  the  number  of  the  letter  in  Harper's  Assyrian  and  Baby- 
lonian Letters,  while  the  second  is  the  British  Museum  number. 
In  the  excursus  the  Harper  Letters  are  distinguished  by  a 
prefixed  H. 

The  order  of  the  officials  is  that  followed  by  Johns  in  Assyrian 
Deeds  and  Documents,  so  far  as  the  data  permit.  It  is  hoped 
that  this  will  facilitate  the  use  of  both  sets  of  data  by  those  who 
may  take  an  interest  in  the  subject.     Yet  many  terms  occur  which 


8        Notes  on  Some  Officials  of  the  Sargonid  Period 

are  not  discussed  by  Johns;  these  follow  immediately  after  the 
others,  and  are  arranged  in  alphabetical  order. 

The  present  state  of  Assyriology  leaves  us  in  uncertainty  about 
many  terms  and  words.  The  last  page  or  so  of  this  index  contains 
terms  that  are  hapax  legomena  in  the  letters  so  far  published; 
and  their  occurrence  is  of  a  character  that  renders  it  impossible 
to  dogmatize.  Frequently  all  preceding  or  subsequent  connection 
is  lost,  and  all  that  can  be  affirmed  at  present  is  that  here  are 
phrases  to  be  examined:  a  few  of  them  may  not  after  all  indicate 
officials  or  artisans.  The  compiler  of  the  index  has  examined 
these  places  carefully,  and  decides  that  the  phrases  demand  con- 
sideration from  those  interested  in  the  official  life  of  Assyria.  It 
is  not  advisable  to  commit  one's  self  further  now. 

The  damaged  character  of  many  letters  results  in  the  frequent 
occurrence  of  the  a™^i  with  the  following  characters  missing. 
Here  and  there  a  restoration  might  be  ventured  from  the  connec- 
tion; but  this  has  not  been  attempted  in  the  index.  Many  are 
but  partially  effaced,  and  when  the  restoration  of  such  seems 
safe,  it  has  been  given  in  the  index,  with  properly  bracketed 
parts.  But  many  occur  that  do  not  suggest  to  me  any  known 
official,  yet  are  comparatively  little  damaged.  It  has  been 
deemed  advisable  to  append  an  autographed  page  of  these  dam- 
aged words. 

It  has  'not  been  deemed  advisable  to  attempt  any  association 
or  grouping  of  terms  in  the  index,  except  where  the  facts  are  well 
established.  The  "messenger,"  or  "courier,"  for  instance,  is 
indicated  by  a  variety  of  phrases,  already  well  known.  But  we 
may  have  in  our  data  various  terms  for  some  other  office;  e.  g., 
rab  ali  and  hazanu  might  be  interchangeable.  It  has  been 
decided  that  the  index  should  merely  give  the  data,  and  leave  the 
discussion  of  such  points  to  the  excursus.  On  the  other  hand,  it 
is  not  intended  that  an  excursus  shall  be  limited  in  its  discussions 
to  the  data  given  in  this  index.  Any  attempt  to  comprehend 
more  clearly  the  institutions  of  ancient  Assyria  and  Babylonia 
must  consider  something  more  than  the  epistolary  literature. 
This  work  would  be  facilitated  if  similar  compilations  were  acces- 
sible for  other  bodies  of  the  cuneiform  literature;  and  it  is  to  be 
hoped  such  may  be  eventually  available.  As  to  the  actual  range 
of  excursus  upon  various  functionaries,  it  is  clear  to  any  student 
of  the  cuneiform  records  that  such  may  involve  the  whole  field  of 


Index  of  Officials  9 

Assyrian  and  Babylonian  linguistic,  scientific,  historical,  religious, 
civil,  and  social  development. 

The  custom,  very  generally  followed  hitherto,  of  indicating 
ideographic  or  Sumerian  expressions  by  capitals  has  been  aban- 
doned. While  helpful  to  the  young  student,  it  does  not  seem 
necessary  for  those  who  are  likely  to  avail  themselves  of  this 
index.  Each  form  of  the  term  has  been  given  in  transliteration; 
the  various  spellings,  and  the  occurrences  with  pronominal  suffixes, 
that  the  lexicographers  and  grammarians  may  find  their  tasks  facili- 
tated. But  few  of  the  functionaries  are  of  a  character  that  render 
possessive  suffixes  probable  in  the  letters.  The  "courier"  shows 
more  variety  of  terms,  and  more  occurrences  with  suffixes  than 
any  other;  almost  as  many  as  all  others  combined;  and  I  have 
questioned  if  this  list  were  worth  the  space,  since  we  already 
know  what  may  be  expected  of  the  average  courier  or  messenger. 

In  the  transliteration,  effort  has  been  made  to  indicate  clearly 
how  each  spelling  is  written.  The  capital  catch-word  endeavors, 
where  possible,  to  be  phonetically  accurate;  in  detailing  the  cita- 
tions, I  have  intended  to  suggest  the  syllables  used.  Thus,  under 
amei  itii'a,  the  scribe  has  choice  of  two  characters  for  the  syl- 
lable tu:  the  ordinary  ud,  and  the  heavier  tu,  which  I  have 
uniformly  marked   tii,  where  occurring. 

A  few  other  terms,  fairly  well  understood,  have  been  included 
in  the  index:  such  as  parsumu,  hi&lu,  sebu,  ummAnu, 
agrutii.  Their  occurrence  is  not  frequent,  and  investigation 
produced  reason  to  suspect  a  particular  technical  sense  in  some 
of  them. 

ameiTURTlNU,  TARTINU:  a^ei  tur-tan,  [205]  K.  537,  rv.  6, 
[571]  K.  998,  obv.  11;  aniel  tur-tan-nu,  [682]  K.  508,  obv.  8;  amel 
tur-tan-ni,  [649]  81-2-4,  110,  obv.  4,  rv.  3,  [373]  82-5-22,  99,  obv. 
8,  [428]  83-1-18,  25,  rv.  2,  [684]  80-7-19,  37,  rv.  8;  a'nei  tur-ta-nu, 
[568]  K.  956,  rv.  13,  [795]  Bu.  91-5-9,  107,  obv.  5;  a^ei  tur-ta-nu- 
su,  [197]  K.  181,  rv.  1,  [492]  81-2-4,60,  obv.  8;  amoi  tur-ta-uu 
II-u  (^santl),  [144]  K.  194,  obv.  13;  amsi  tur-ta-ni,  [71]  K.  1113 
+  K.  1229,  obv.  10;  «'"6i  tar-ta-uu,  [393]  80-7-19,  25,  rv.  8,  [701] 
S.  1338,  obv.  8. 

amfil  NAGIRU:  amei  laj,'ar,  [281]  K.  13,  obv.  10,  [576]  K.  1009,  obv.  9; 
amei  lagar  ^-gal,  [112]  K.  485,  obv.  1,  [408]  R-"  2,  1.  rv.  27,  [409] 
R'n2,  2,  obv.  2,  [781]  K.  823,  rv.2;  amsi  na-gi-ri,  [521]  83-1-18, 
4,  rv.  16;  amei  n6r  6-gal,  [373]  82-5-22,  99,  obv.  10,  [785]  K.  13142, 
obv.  5,  [253]  K.  1175  +  1207,  obv.  8  (?). 


10      Notes  on  Some  Officials  of  the  Sargonid  Period 

ameiBI.LUL:  [322]  K.  663,  obv.  8;  ameirab  bi-lul,  [194]  K.  665,  rv. 
4,  [353]  82-5-22,  169,  rv.  11,  [373]  82-5-22,  99,  obv.  12,  [388]  Rm  2, 
463,  obv.  10,  [585]  K.  1098,  obv.  3,  [646]  79-7-8,  292,  obv.  6;  rab  bi- 
lul,  [659]  Bu.  89-42-6,  17,  obv.  6;  ameirab  bi-  .  .  .  .  ,  [767]  83-1- 
18,  75,  obv.  9. 

amei  MU,  (NU5ATIMMU  ?):  [43]  K.  122,  rv.  1,6,  [322]  K.  663,  obv.  10; 
[754]  K.  5457,  obv.  18,  [699]  81-2-4,468,  obv.  3(?);  a^^ei  rab  mu, 
[274]  K.  81,  obv.  19,  [357]  S.  1368,  obv.  9,  [555]  K.  677,  obv.  5  .  .  .  . 
rab  mu,  [143]  K.  584,  obv.  11. 

amei  RAB. SE. GAR,  [408]  R^  2,  1,  rv.  18. 

amei  RAB.GAR.MES,  [43]  K.  122,  rv.  2,  18. 

amei  SE.GAR,  [43]  K.  122,  rv.  12. 

ameiRAB  ^iKt:  ^meirab  sak,  [64]  K.  550,  obv.  10,  [95]  K.  1151, 
obv.  6,  [173]  K.  686,  obv.  5,  [283]  K.  597,  obv.  1,  [484]  81-7-27,  33, 
obv.  15,  [568]  K.  956,  rv.  16,  [709]  80-7-19,  67,  obv.  3;  amei  rab 
sa-ki-e,  [353]  82-5-22,  169,  rv.  9. 

ameipATAR  PARZILLI:  amei  gir-an-bar,  [85]  K.  613,  rv.  7. 

amd  ZAKKt:  amei  zak-ku-u,  [143]  K.  584,  obv.  6,  [459]  K.  1141,  rv. 
3;  ameiza-ku-u,  [311]  K.  630,  rv.  3,  [633]  K.  1366,  obv.  17,  [685] 
81-2-4,  96,  obv.  4. 

(amei)  ITU'A:  amsi  i-tu-'-u,  [138]  K.469,rv.  11;  amei  i.tu-u,[506]K. 
678,  rv.  15;  amei  I-tu-',  [572]  K.  1001,  obv.  10,  [685]  81-2-4,  96,  rv. 
22;  amei  l-tii-'-a-a,  [201]  K.  690,  obv.  5,  [242]  K.  11148,  rv.  16,  [388J 

n^  2,  463,  obv.  7,  [419]  83-1-18,  24,  obv.  10, 12;  amei  i-tu, , 

[147]  K.  1170,  rv.  5;  amei  i-tu-'-e,  [506]  K.  678,  rv.  10;  amei  i-tu- 
a-a,  [424]S.760,  rv.2,10;  amei  I-tu-'-a-a-e-a,  [482]  82-5-22, 104, 
obv.  6;  amei  U-tu-'-a-a,  [349]  R^  78,  rv.  3. 

aniei  BA,  [645]  R™  2,  464,  rv.  4. 

am6i  seLAPPA,  [471]  80-7-19,  41,  obv.  17. 

amei  PUR. KUL,  [429]  R=i  69,  obv.  9, [531]  81-2-4,  50,  rv.  13. 

ameiBARt,  ameiBARtTU:  amei  hal  [773]  S.  152,  obv.  7,  [808]  Bu. 
91-5-9,  113,  rv.  6,  [854]  K.  1158,  rv.  10,  [391]  83-1-18,  2,  obv.  18  (?); 
amei  bal-mes,  [33]  K.  572,  obv.  6;  amei  ^al-u-tu,  [755]  83-1-18, 
122,  rv.  18. 

ameiMASMASU:  amei  mas-mas,  [23]  K.  602,  obv.  21,  [24]  K.  626, 
obv.  11, 14,  rv.  5,  [167]  K.  582,  rv.  16,  [361]  81-2-4, 58,  rv.  10,  [670]  K.  12, 
rv.  10;  amei  mas-mas-mes,  [1]  K.  167,  rv.  8,  [33]  K.  572,  obv.  7, 
[118]  K.  1026,  rv.  5. 

amei  MA5UI):  amei  mab,  [205]  K.  537,  rv.  4,  [466]  S.  51,  rv.  4;  amei 
mab-mes,  [90]  K.  594,  obv.  13,  [205]  K.  537,  obv.  3,  14,  rv.  1,  [252] 
K.  525,  obv.  4,  rv.  13,  [306]  K.  622,  obv.  3,  14,  [680]  83-1-18,  63,  obv. 
8;  amei  raab-mes-ni,[196]K.  125,obv.  8,13,  [252]K.525,rv.7, 15. 

amei  MUKIL  APPlTE:  amei  mu-kil  su  pa-mes,  [65]  K.  629, 
obv.  21,  [211]  K.  662,  obv.  4,  [445]  K.  724,  obv.  7,  [568]  K.  956,  rv.  20, 

[611]  K.  1143,  obv.  2; s«  pa-mes,  [609]  K.  1140,  obv.  4, 

rv.  7;  amei  mu-kil  si  a-pa-a-ni,  [633]  K.  1366,  rv.  21. 

ameiMURIBBlNU,  [458]  K.  1122,  obv.  6. 


Index  of  Officials  11 

amei  Rfi't :  a-^ei  sib,  [639]  K.  8390,  obv.  10,  [716]  K.  31,  rv.  9,  [726] 

80-7-19,  21,  obv.  7,  12,  [727]  83-1-18,  67,  obv.  7,  [845]  K.  671,  obv.  10. 

ameisib-mes,  [75]  K.  516,  obv.  9,  [268]  K.  514,   obv.  11,  rv.  6, 

[633]  K.  1366,  rv.  1.3,  [639]  K.  8390,  rv.  1. 
amei  RAB.SIB.MES,  [336]  K.  644,  rv.  5. 
amei  SA  gUTAKI,  [445]  K.  724,  obv.  3. 
ameluS.KIB.SI:  a^ei  us  kib-si-a-ni,  [526]  K.  628,  rv.  2. 
ameiSA  ELI  ALI,  [90]  K.  594,  rv.  13,  [710]  81-2-4,  87,  obv.  6;  "mei 

sa  muh-hi  ali,  [530]  80  7-19,  40,  obv.  13. 
"■"^^i  SA  ELI  BlTI,  [343]  83-1-18,  18,  obv.  9;  amei  sa  eli  blti  sa 

bit-Ual,  [5771  K-   1010^  obv.  6;   '^niei  ga  eli  bit-a-nu,  [855]  K. 

1226,  obv.  1;  amel  sa  eli  bit-a-ni,  [568]  K.  956,  rv.  18. 
amMRAB  KAKULlTE:  <i>"ei  rab  ka-ku-la-te,  [152]  K.  1101  + 

K.  1221,  obv.  8. 
amei  k£PU:  amei  til-la  gid-da-raes,[542]K.  114,  obv.  8;  amelni. 

gab,  [847]  83-1-18,  115,  rv.  5;  amei  ki-pa-uu,  [542]  K.  114,  obv.  17; 

amei  ki-pa-ui-su,  [524]  K.  588,  obv.  10;  amM  ki-pi,  [516]  81-7-27, 

81,rv.  l;ki-pi,[95]K.1151,rv.7;amel  ki-i-pi,  [214]  K.  831,  rv.  14; 

amei  ki-e-pu,  [88]  K.  507,  obv.  7,  [476]  83-1-18,  5,  obv.  28,  [703]  K. 

8989,  obv.  5,  [868]  81-2-4,  119,  obv.  5;  amei  ki-pu,  [703]  K.  8989, 

obv.  9;  amei  ki-e-pi,  [169]  K.  997,  obv.  8;  amei  ki-ba-a-ni,  [442] 

K.  543,  obv.  14;  amei  ki.pa-a-ui,  [437]  K.  168,  rv.  9. 
amei  RAB  UALSU:   amei  rab  aihal-su,  [343]  83-1-18,  18,  obv.  3. 
amei  RAB  URlTE:  amei  rab  u-ra-te,  [630]  K.  1264,  obv.  13.  a™6i 

ra[b]  ....(?)  [623]  K.  1212,  obv.  1. 
am6iKA.TIN(?),  KATINNU(?):  amei  ka-tin-ni  sarri,  [74]  K.  185, 

obv.  11. 
amei  SUKALLU  :  amei  lulj,  [70]  K.  1070,  obv.  1,  4,  rv.  4,  [132]  K.  655, 

obv.  1, 3,  5,  rv.  10,  [235]  K.  13016,  obv.  1. 3,  rv.  5,  [253]  K.  1175  +  1207, 

obv.  8(?),  [327]  K.  517,  rv.  2,  [424]  S.  760,  obv.  12,  rv.  12,  [473]  81-2-4, 

65,  rv.  11,  [505]  81-2-4,  95,  obv.  1,  3,  4,  6,  [716]  K.  31,  rv.  11,  [748]  K. 

5474,  obv.  2,  [781]  K.  823,  obv.  2,  4,  5,  rv.  7,  [805]  S.  267,  obv.  2,  5, 

(10?),  12,  [874]  Bu.  89-4-26,  31,  obv.  12,  [844]  K.  986,  obv.  2,  9;  amei 

lub  dan-nu,  [568]  K.  956,  rv.  12;  amei  \^^^  H-u  (=santi),  [568] 

K.  956,  rv.  15. 
a^ei  S  ARTIXU :  amei  sa-ar-te-nu,  [716]  K.  31,  rv.  11,  15,  27;  a'-ei 

sar-tiii-uu,  [46]  K.  939a,  rv.  14  [568]  K.  956,  rv.  14;  amei  gar- 

tiu-ni,[441]K.  534,  obv.  18. 
amei  RAB    DAN. DAN    (KAL.LAB?):    amei  rab   dan-dan-mes, 

[380]  Rm  2,  3,  obv.  5. 
amei  MASSARU:  amei  en-nun,  [197]  K.  181,  rv.  7,  23;  amei  en-nun 

biti  ili,  [493)83-1-18,  1.3.  rv.  11;  amei  sa  en-nun,  [99]  K.  5466, 

rv.  17,  [353 1  82-5-22,  169,  rv.  19,  [410]  R""  2,  4,  obv.  5,  rv.  9,  13;  en 

en-nun,  [238]  K.  1107,  rv.  5. 
amei  RAB  a  ANSA:  amei  rab  L,  [251]  K.  506,  obv.  4, 15,  20, 27,  rv.  5,  7. 
atieiRAB  SITIRTE(?):  amei  rab  u-te,  [432]  D.  T.  220,  obv.  2,  [816] 

K.  88,  obv.  3;  amei  rab  u-ti,  [423]  83-1-18,  12,  obv.  3,  [829]  K.  297, 


12      Notes  on  Some  Officials  of  the  Sargonid  Period 

obv.  3;  amei  rab  u-gi  (error  for  te),  [671]  K.  678,  obv.  3;  amsi 
rab  u-mes-te,  [867]  81-2-4,  94,  obv.  5. 

amsi  RAB  KARMANI:  amei  rab  kar-man,  [43]  K.  122,  obv.  18; 
amei  g-ar-man(?)-mes,  [155]  K.  1235,  obv.  4,  7. 

amei  RAB  KARANI :  amei  rab  gestin,  [42]  K.  14,  rv.  11. 

amsi  RAB  KlRI :  amei  rab  ka-a-ri,  [467]  S.  456,  rv.  18. 

ameiMANZAZ  PANI:  a^ei  man-za-az  pani-ia,  [291]  K.  828,  obv. 
14;  amei  man-za-az  pa-ni,  [540]  K.  87,  obv.  7;  amei  ma-za-si 
pa-ni,  [656]  82-5-22,  168,  rv.  8;  amei  gub-ba  pa-ni-ia,  [289]  K. 
312,  obv.  10;  amei  gub-ba  pa-ni-su,  [415]  Bu.  91-5-9,  157,  rv.  10. 

amei  ABARAKKU,  or  TUKULTU:  amei  si-um,  [63]  K.  549,  obv. 
8,  [75]  K.  546,  obv.  6,  [84]  K.  117,  obv.  9,  [89]  K.  515,  obv.  7,  [114]  K. 
538,  obv.  15,  rv.  6,  [145]  K.  910,  obv.  1,  [273]  K.  578,  obv.  6,  [393] 
80-7-19,  25,  obv.  10,  rv.  3,  [543]  K.  176,  rv.  9,  [633]  K.  1366,  rv.  15, 
[639]  K.  8390,  rv.  12;  amei  us  si-um,  [867]  81-2-4,  94,  rv.  4. 

ameliRRisU:  amelapin,  [4]  K.  568,  obv.  1,  3,  4,  [15]  K.  1197,  obv.  1, 
[38]  K.  1049,  obv.  1,  3,  5,  7,  [183]  K.  113,  obv.  1,  4,  [167]  K.  582,  obv. 
16  [223]  K.  112,  obv.  1,  18,  rv.  10,  [332]  K.  13000,  obv.  1,  [361]  81-2-4, 
58,  obv.  1,  5,  7,  [362]  83-1-18,  16,  obv.  1(?),  15,  [735]  82-5-22,  135, 
obv.  1  [816]  K.  88,  obv.  1,  6;  amei  apin-mes  e-gal,  [871]  82-5-22, 
114,  rv.  6;  amei  ir-ri-se-6,  [500]  K.  1303,  obv.  8. 

amei  NU.GIS.SAR  (URKIU?):  amei  nu-gis-sar-mes,  [182]  K. 
1058,  obv.  4,  [564]  K.  937,  rv.  4;  amei  nu-gis  ur-ki,  [167]  K.  582, 
obv.  15. 

amei  MALA5U:  amei  ma-lab  ^"  bar-ra,  [167]  K.  582,  obv.  14; 
amei  ma-du-du-mes,  [103]  K.  1189,  obv.  10. 

amei  USPARU;  (EMITU?):  amei  us  -par-mes,  [209]  K.636,  obv.  7; 
[413]  Bu.  91-5-9,  12,  rv.  8;  [714]  K.  1217,  obv.  7;  sal  us-par-mes- 
te,  [196]  K.  125,  obv.  24. 

ameiAPIL  SIPRI,  MAR  SIPRI,  KALLAB  SIPIRTI,  MIR 
TEME :  amei  a-ki,  [90]  K.  594,  rv.  4,  8,  [101]  K.  561,  obv.  7,  [144] 
K.  194,  rv.  4,  [145]  K.  910,  obv.  4,  [165]  K.  497,  obv.  4,  [171]  K.  1047, 
obv.  4,  [173]  K.  686,  obv.  7,  [238]  K.  1107,  obv.  6,  rv.  9,  [264]  K.  1045, 
rv.  6,  [269]  K.  528,  rv.  7,  [281]  K.  13,  rv.  5,  [282]  K.  524,  obv.  17,  rv.  15, 
[286]  K.  5398,  obv.  5,  [311]  K.  630,  rv.  5,  [412]  48-7-20, 115,  rv.  9,  [424] 
S.  760,  obv.  15,  19,  [433]  79-7-8,  138,  rv.  17,  [472]  80-7-19,  46,  rv.  3, 
[474]  81-2-4,  67,  rv.  2,  [528]  K.  1065,  obv.  8,  [548]  K.  593,  obv.  7,  [559] 
K.  899,  obv.  11,  [576]  K.  1009,  obv.  7  [589]  K.  1106,  obv.  9,  [622]  K. 
1210,  obv.  1,  2(?),  [685]  81-2-4,  96,  obv.  29,  [749]  S.  1975,  rv.  9,  [754] 
K.  5457,  obv.  6,  [779]  83-1-18,  90,  obv.  12,  [792]  83-1-18,  52,  rv.  16, 
[846]  K.  673,  rv.  16;  amei  a-ki-e-a,  [157]  K.  504,  obv.  8,  [340]  Bu. 
91-5-9,  183,  obv.  8;  ameia-ki-ia,  [147]  K.  1170,  obv.  12,  [193]  K. 
542,  obv.  11,  [259]  K.  509,  rv.  6,  [286]  K.  5398,  obv.  6,  [314]  K.  1227, 
obv.  10;  amei  a-ki-ka,  [98]  K.  5465,  obv.  7,  [206]  K.  539,  obv.  12, 
[214]  K.  831,  obv.  15,  [434]  Bu.  89-4-26,  163,  rv.  2,  [587]  K.  1104,  rv. 
16;  amei  a-ki-su,  [524]  K.  588,  rv.  8;  amei  a-ki-ku-nu,  [815]  48- 
7-20,  116,  rv.  17;  amei  a-ki- su-nu,  [158]  K.  530,  obv.  20,  [792]  83- 


Index  of  Officials  13 

1-18,  52,  obv.  9,  15;  amei  a-ki-mes,  [146]  K.  1080,  rv.  5,  [267]  K. 
462,  rv.  7,  [317]  K.  5291,  rv.  12,  [462]  K.  1374,  rv.  7,  [627]  K.  1241,  obv. 
8,  [749]  S.  1975,  obv.  5,  [862]  K.  1056,  obv.  7;  "•"fiia-ki-mes-ni, 
[129]  K.  545S,  obv.  24;  amsi  a-ki-mes-e-a,  [340]  Bu.  91-5-9,  183, 
rv.  14;  amei  a-ki-mes-su,  [576]  K.  1009,  rv.  8;  a^el  ki-a,,[515]  K. 
621,  obv.  5,  6;  amei  ki-a-mes,  [515]  K.  621,  obv.  12;  "mei  a-sig, 
[140]  K.  518,  rv.  1,  [154]  K.  653,  obv.  12,  20;  «'"6i  a-sig-ia,  [602] 
K.  1127,  rv.  2;  amei  a-sig-nies,  [304]  K.  533,  obv.  10;  a^el  a  si- 
pir-raes,  [242]  K.  11148,  obv.  13;  amsi  a  sip-ri,  [197]  K.  181,  rv. 
20,  [324]  K.  523,  rv.  5,  [705]  82-5-22,  109,  rv.  18;  ^mei  a  sip-ri-ia, 
[251]  K.  506,  obv.  14,  [480]  K.  8402,  rv.  7,  [637]  K.  1888,  rv.  1;  amsi 

a  sip ,  [442]  K.  543,  rv.  19;  a««6i  a  sip-ri-ka,  [345]  85-1- 

18,  39,  obv.  4,  7;  amei  a-ri-ka,  [208]  K.  617,  obv.  9;  amei  a  sip- 
ri -mes,  [343]  83-1-18,  18,  rv.  4;  a^nei  tur-ki-ia,  [721]  K.  912,  obv. 
5,  [832]  K.  9396,  obv.  5,  [833]  K.  982,  obv.  5,  [835]  K.  54186,  obv.  5, 
[836]  K.  5423c,  obv.  5,  [837]  K.  7526,  obv.  5;  aniei  tur  sip-ri,  [112] 
K.  485,  obv.  14,  [139]  K.  1067,  rv.  4,  8,  9,  [227]  K.  560,  obv.  10,  [276] 
K.  154,  obv.  11,  [805]  S.  267,  rv.  9;  ^^^^  tur  si-pir,  [555]  K.  677, 
obv.  11,  13;  aiaei  tur  sip-ri-ia,  [463]  K.  1438,  obv.  3,  4;  tur 
sip-ri,  [775]  S.  268a,  rv.  14;  amei  tur  sip-ri-mes,  [633]  K.  1366, 
obv.  18;  ain^i  tur  sip-ra-ni-ia,  [123]  K.  574,  obv.  9;  am^i  tur 
sip-ia,  [500]  K.  1303,  obv.  10;  amei  kal-la-bu   si-pir-te,  [227] 

K.  560,  rv.  1;  amei  kal-lab  si ,  [637]  K.  1888,  obv.  4;  amoi 

kal-lab  si-pir-tu,  [322]  K.  663,  rv.  2. 

amci  SANGt  :  amei  sid,  [48]  K.  1019,  obv.  8,  [49]  K.  1168,  obv.  3,  17, 
[139]  K.  1067,  obv.  6,  [177]  K.  575,  rv.  7,  [493]  83-1-18,  13,  obv.  3, 
[498]  K.  646,  obv.  20,  [555]  K.  677,  obv.  9,  [633]  K.  1366,  obv.  21,  26, 
rv.  3,  26,  [724]  K.  548,  rv.  4,  [780]  K.  4734,  obv.  17,  [791]  83-1-18,  51, 
rv.  1;  amei  sid-mes,  [468]  R™  217,  obv.  11;  amei  gid  H-u,  [419] 
83-1-18,  24,  obv.  3,  [577]  K.  1010,  rv.  2;  a"i6i  gid  bit  amei  mu 
[43]  K.  122,  rv.  1;  amei  gia  ^a  bit  amci  ^u,  [43]  K.  122,  rv.  6; 
amei  sid  sa  bit  amei  ge-gar,  [43]  K.  122,  rv.  12;  amei  gi^j  ga 
bit  kit-mu-ri,  [152]  K.  1101  +  K.  1221,  obv.  4,  [710]  81-2-4,87, 
obv.  3;  amei  gid  sa  bit  ii"  Samas,  [49]  K.  1168,  rv.  24;  amei 
sid  sa  bit   Vll-bi   sa  ali   Nina,  [49]  K.  1168,  rv.  17,  18;  a'nei 

sid   sa  ali  Nina,  [43]  K.  122,rv.8;  amei  sid-mes  sa  ali , 

[48]  K.  1019,  obv.  5;   amei  gid   se-gar,  [43]  K.  122,  rv.  2. 

aniei  MUSARKISU  :  amei  mu-sar-kis,  [132]  K.  655,  rv.  13,  [186]  K. 
11,  obv.  12;  amei  mu-sdr-kis-mes,  [153]  K.  558,  rv.  2;  amei  mu- 
sfir-kis-mes-ni,  [122]  K.  491,  obv.  6;  amei  mu-sar-kis-mes, 
[127]  K.  616,  obv.  6;  rv.  6,  10;  amei  mu-sar-ki-su,  [326]  K.  1249, 
rv.4,8,10;  amei  mu-sar-ki-si-raes,  [344]  83-1-18,  28,  obv.  3,  8; 
amei   mu-sar-ki-sa-a-ni,  [190]  K.  596,  obv.  4,  12,  [630]  K.  1264, 

obv.  14;  amei  mu-[ ],  [630]  K.  1264,  rv.  5;  amei   mu-sar- 

ki-[.  ...?],  [153]  K.  558,  rv.  8. 

amei  A.BA,  or  DUPSARRU:  ^^^^  DUPSARR€TU:  amei  aba, 
[84]  K.  117,  obv.  11,  rv.  8,  16,  [90]  K.  594,  rv.  15,  [127]  K.  616,  obv.  5, 


14      Notes  on  Some  Officials  of  the  Sargonid  Period 

[151]  K.  652,  obv.  7,  [153]  K.  558,  rv.  3,  [189]  K.  1048,  obv.  3,  [415] 
Bu.  91-5-9,  157,  obv.  5,  [429]  Rm  69,  obv.  12,  [434]  Bu.  89-4-26,  163, 
rv.  9,  [532]  83-1-18,  15,  rv.  1,  [557]  K.  893,  obv.  3,  [563]  K.  935,  rv. 

9,  [633]  K.  1366,  obv.  9,  rv.  2, 15,  [688]  80-7-19,  21,  obv.  10,  15,  [697] 
81-2-4,  73,  rv.  2,  [706]  K.  1076,  obv.  5,  [779]  83-1-18,  90,  obv.  13,  [872] 
Bu.  89-4-26,  16,  obv.  8;  amsi  a-ba-mes,  [33]  K.  572,  obv.  6,  [346] 
Bu.  89-4r-26,  9,  obv.  2,  [347]  81-2-4,  52,  obv.  10,  11,  [386]  83-1-18,  9 
obv.  6,  [423]  83-1-18,  12,  obv.  4,  [829]  K.  297,  obv.  4;   amei  a-ba- 
mes-ni,  [739]  81-2-4,  101,  obv.  5;  amel  rab   a-ba,  [307]  K.  1078 
obv.  4;    am6ia-ba   II-u,   [532]   83-1-18,  15,  obv.  10;    amei   a-ba 
mati,   [211]   K.  662,  obv.  4,  20,   [568]  K.  956,  rv.  19;    am  el   a-ba 
6-gal,  [114]  K.  538,  obv.  15,rv.  7  [211]  K.  662,  obv.  10,  [220]  K.  1274 
obv.  1,  rv.  5;  amgi  a-ba   biti  ili,  [724]  K.  548,  rv.  10;  amei  dup- 
sar,  [733]  81-2-4,  113,  obv.  2;  amei  dup-sar-su,  [42]  K.  14,  rv.  12; 
am§i   dup-sar  biti   ili,   [476],   83-1-18,   5,   obv.   28;    amsi    dup 
[sar](?),  [557]  K.  893,  rv.  10;  amei  dup-sar   ali,  [530]  80-7-19,  40, 
obv.  13;    am 61  dup - sar-u -tu,   [755]  83-1-18,  122,  obv.  10;   dup- 
sar-u-te  [629]  K.  1263,  obv.  11. 

amei  MUTIR  PtTI:  amel  gur-zak,  [558]  K.896,rv.3,  [714]  K.  1217, 
obv.  6;  amei  gur-zak-mes,  [85]  K.  613,  rv.  2;  am^i  gur  pu-tu, 
[167]  K.  582,  obv.  20.  [226]  K.  526,  obv.  9,  [228]  K.  1055,  rv.  4,  [340] 
Bu.  91-5-9,  183,  obv.  13,  [339]  83-1-18,  19,  rv.  11,  [415]  Bu.  91-5-9, 
157,  rv.  14,  [476]  83-1-18,  5,  rv.  23,  [544]  K.  464,  obv.  6,  [564]  K.  937, 
obv.  7,  [685]  81-2^,  96,  rv.  3;  amei  gur  pu-tu,  [600]  K.  1125,  obv. 
10;  amei  gur-ru  pu-tu,  [266]  K.  79,  rv.  20,  [275]  K.  82,  obv.  14, 18, 
[462]  K.  1374,  rv.28(?),  [792]  83-1-18,  52,  rv.  13,  [794]  83-1-18,  150, 
rv.  17,  [866]  81-2-4,  93,  obv.  6;  amei  gur  pu-ti,  [127]  K.  616,  obv. 
4,  [206]  K.  539,  obv.  7,  rv.  1,  9,  [306]  K.  622,  obv.  12,  [556]  K.  683, 
obv.  11,  [860]  K.  845,  obv.  10;  amei  gur  pu-te,  [99]  K.  5466,  rv.  17, 
[124]  K.  903,  obv.  6,  [165]  K.  497,  rv.  8,  [243]  K.  567,  obv.  8,  [246]  K. 
669,  obv.  14,  [306]  K.  622,  obv.  3,  (16?),  [336]  K.  644,  obv.  13,  [408]  R" 
2,  1,  obv.  7,  [494]  80-7-19,  23,  rv.  11,  [552]  K.  640,  obv.  5,  rv.  4,  [598] 
K.  1123,  obv.  3,  [610]  K.  1142,  rv.  8,  [638]  K.  2908,  obv.  6  (15?), 
[667]  81-7-27,  30,  rv.  3,  [742]  R^  2,  462,  obv.  5,  [760]  R™  2,  7,  obv.  4, 
[761]  Rm  2,  474,  obv.  4;  amei  ga  gur-ru  pu-ti,  [721]  K.  912,  rv.  1. 

amei  SANt :  amei  H-u,,  [154]  K.  653,  obv.  15,  [424]  S.  760,  rv.  5,  [428] 
83-1-18,  25,  rv.  1,  [506]  K.  678,  rv.  4,  [623]  K.  1212,  obv.  3;  amei  H-u, 
[207]  K.  541,  obv.  9,  [211]  K.  662,  rv.  2;  amei  Il-u-te,  [585]  K.  1098, 
rv.  3,  [682]  K.  608,  obv.  13;  amei  H-e,  [49]  K.  1168,  rv.  10,  [382]  81- 
7-27,  199,  obv.  1,  199A,  1,  [784]  K.  1031,  obv.  5;  amei  H-i,  [252]  K. 

525,  obv.  12,  [746]  83-1-18,  146,  obv.  8;  amei  n ^  [787]  Rm 

55,  obv.  6;  amei  II-u-su,  [42]  K.  14,  rv.  12. 

amei  SALSU:  amei  lH-su,  [140]  K.  518,  obv.  11,  13,  [211]  K.  662,  rv. 

10,  [580]  K.  1051,  rv.  3;  amei  IH-hu-si,  [32]  K.  527,  rv.  12,  [100]  K. 
554,  obv.  9,  [211]  K.  662,  obv.  4,  [342]  79-7-8,  2.34,  rv.  19,  [425]  Bu. 
91-5-9,  105,  obv.  8,  [506]  K.  678,  obv.  7;  amei  in-hu-[si],  [568] 
K.  956,  rv.  21;  amei  IH-hu-si-  mes,  [85]  K.  613,  obv.  11,  [683]  H^ 


Index  of  Officials  15 

550,  rv.  11;  amei  Hl-^ju-si-ia,  [639]  K.  8390,  obv.  7,  [342]  79-7-8, 
234,  rv.  14,  [705]  82-5-22,  109,  rv.  4. 

amei  RAKBU:  a^ei  gis-m^r,  [607]  K.  1134,  rv.  2;  ameigis-mfir- 
mes,  [374]  82-5-22,  172,  obv.  10;  ameib^l  gis-mSr-mes,  [567] 
K.  946,  obv.  13;  a-^ei  bel  gis-[mdr-mes],  [567]  K.  946,  rv.  1; 
amel  bei  [gis-mdr-mesj,  [567]  K.  946,  rv.  3. 

ameiTAMKARU:  a™6idam-kar,  [186]  K.  11,  rv.  8,  [233]  K.  7339, 
obv.  8,  [532]  83-1-18,  15,  obv.  8,  [578]  K.  1018, rv.  8;  a^ei  dam-kar- 
mes,  [196]  K.  125,  obv.  20,  [234]  K.  7548,  obv.  5,  [310]  K.  610,  obv.  9, 
[458]  K.  1122,  rv.  5,  [529]  K.  1252A,  obv.  4. 

ameiKAB  KISIR,  RAB  KISIR^TU:  ^mei  i-ab  ki-sir,  [173]  K. 
686,  obv.  4.  [275]  K.  82,  rv.  5,  [315]  K.  1402,  obv.  10,  [434]  Bu.  89-4-26, 
163,  rv.  15,  [462]  K.  1374,  obv.  21,  rv.  27,  [500]  K.  1303,  obv.  6,  [530] 
80-7-19,  40,  obv.  14,  [543]  K.  176,  rv.  15  [582]  K.  1093,  obv.  4,  [639] 
K.  8390,  obv.  3.  rv.  1;  amel  rab  ki-sir-mes,  [138]  K.  469,  obv.  10, 
rv.  3,  [169]  K.  997,  obv.  13,  [342]  79-7-8,  234,  obv.  4,  [505]  81-2-4,  95, 
obv.  6;  [....]  sir-mes,  [557]  K.  893,  rv.  5;  am^l  rab  ki-sir-u- 
tu,  [85]  K.  613,  obv.  9;  a^ei  rab  ka-sir,  [144]  K.  194,  obv.  3,  [571] 
K.  998,  obv.  10,  [633]  K.  1366,  obv.  12,  [755]  83-1-18,  122,  obv.  15, 
[806]  Bu.  91-5-9,  85,  obv.  2;  amei  rab  ka-sar,  [273]  K.  578,  rv. 
3,  [274]  K.  81,  obv.  22;  amei  ki-sir,  [414]  R^"  77,  obv.  12,  [557]  K. 
893,  obv.  4(?);  [ameirab]  ki-sir,  [631]  K.  1265,  obv.  2;  rab  ki- 
sir,  [631]  K.  1265,  obv.  9,  10. 

ameiRAB  MUGU:  amel  rab  mu-gu,  [154]  K.  653,  obv.  15;  amoi 
rab   iiiu-gi,  [108]  K.  519,  rv.  3. 

ameiRAB  GAR.SID:  amsi  rab  gar-sid-mes,  [633]  K.  1366,  obv. 
11,  rv.  4;  ameirab  gar-sid   sa   6 k alii,  [263]  K.  825,  rv.  4,  5. 

ameiNUN.MES   (RUBl^TU?):   amel  nun-mes,  [468]  R^  217,  rv.  6. 

aineiSU-I,  GALLABU:  amei  su-i-su.(?)  [15]  K.  1197,  rv.  6,  [439]K. 
432,  obv.  6;  amel  su-u-i  (?),  [183]  K.  113,  rv.  1;  amel  su-[  ],  [438] 
K.  177,  rv.  10. 

ameiRAKSU:  amel  rak-su,  [709]  80-7-19,  rv.  15;  amel  rak-su-mes, 
[W]  K.  550,  obv.  9,  [154]  K.  653,  obv.  14,  [242]  K.  11148,  obv.  12; 
ameirak-su-ti,  [304]  K.  533,  obv.  9;  amel  rak-su-te,  [709]  80-7- 
19,  67,  obv.  7;  ameisab-mes-ia  ra-ki-su-te,  [482]  82-5-22,  104, 
obv.  10;  amel  rab  rak-si,  [414]  R"^  77,  obv.  6. 

amel  SAKNU:  amel  gar-nu,  [414]  R'"  77,  obv.  10,  [630]  K.  1264,  obv 
13,  [524]  K.  588,  obv.  12,  [639]  K.  8390,  obv.  6,  [763]  81-2^,  126,  obv 
6,  [871]  82-5-22,  114,  obv.  9;  amel  gar-ui,  [414]  R""  77,  obv.  19 
ameigar-uu-mes,  [374]  82-5-22,  172,  obv.  8,  [557]  K.  893,  rv.  5 
amel  gar-nu-mes-su-nu,  [138]  K.  469,  it.  13;  an^^l  gar-nu-te 
[380]  R"i  2,  3,  obv.  5;  amel  gar-nu-u-tu,  [533]  83-1-18,  44,  rv.  8 
amel  gar-mat  (=sa-kin),  [60]  K.  487,  obv.  9,  [307]  K.  1078,  obv 
2,  6,  [339]  83-1-18,  19,  rv.  5,  [442]  K.  543,  i-v.  16,  [473]  81-2-4,  65,  obv 
1,  4,  13,  i-v.  8,  14,  19,  [611]  K.  1143,  rv.  11;  amel  sak-nu,  [238]  K 
1107,  i-v.  8,  [270]  K.  1089,  obv.  6,  [419]  83-1-18,  24,  obv.  9,  11,  [542] 
K.  114,  obv.  14,  rv.  3,  [863]  K.  1196,  rv.  6;  amel  sak-ni,  [524]  K.  588, 


16      Notes  on  Some  Officials  of  the  Saegonid  Period 

rv.  7,  [567]  K.  946,  obv.  12,  [638]  K.  2908,  obv.  14;  amei  sa-ak-ni, 
[833]  K.  982,  rv.  7;  amei  sak-na,  [846]  K.  673,  obv.  13;  amei  gak- 
ni-ku-nu,  [287]  K.  94,  rv.  3;  amei  sak-ni-su-nu,  [610]  K.  1142, 
obv.  10;  amei  sa-kau-su-nu,  [610]  K.  1142,  obv.  5;  amelgar-su- 
nu,  [537]  K.  8535,  obv.  8;  amei  gar-man(?)-mes  [=  sakin-sarri- 
mes  ?],  [155]  K.  1235,  obv.  4,  7. 

ameiAB.BA:  amei  ab-ba-mes,  [91]  K.  620,  obv.  13,  [256]  K.  1202, 
obv.  6,  [287]  K.  94,  obv.  12,  [289]  K.  312,  obv.  2,  [293]  K.  1054,  obv.  3, 
[295]  K.  1139,  obv.  2,  [296]  K.  1162,  obv.  2,  [297]  K.  1271,  obv.  2,  [377] 
83-1-18,  43,  obv.  16,  [459]  K.  1141,  obv.  6,  [517]  82-5-22,  91,  obv.  8, 
[518]  83-1-18,  27,  obv.  3. 

amei  1st:  amei  a-zu,  [274]  K.  81,  obv.  6,  [341]  82-5-22,  174,  obv.  13, 
[465]  K.  8509,  rv.  8,  11;  amei  a-zu- mes,  [33]  K.  572,  obv.  8,  [157]  K. 
504,  obv.  5. 

ameiBfiL  ALT:  amei  en  er,  [645]  Rm  2,  464,  obv.  5, 13,  [317]  K.  5291, 
obv.  4,  [590]  K.  1111,  obv.  5;  ameien-mes  er  Sa-lu-li-e,  [262]  K. 
607,  obv.  12;  amei  en  er-mes,  [88]  K.  507,  obv.  13,  [342]  79-7-8, 
234,  rv.  21,  [526]  K.  628,  obv.  3;  amei  en  er-mes-ni,  [136]  K.  631, 
obv.  5;  ....  en  er-mes-ni,  [784]  K.  1031,  obv.  16. 

ameiBfiL  PASlTI,  ameipAglTI:  ameign-nam,  [32]K.527,obv. 
11,  [43]  K.  122,  obv.  13,  [59]  K.  1041,  obv.  7,  [71]  K.  1113  +  K.  1229, 
obv.  12,  [89]  K.  515,  obv.  11,  rv.  2, 10,  [95]  K.  1151,  rv.  4,  [102]  K.  657, 
obv.  10,  [112]  K.  485,  obv.  15,  [129]  K.  5458,  rv.  9,  [140]  K.  518,  obv.  7, 
rv.  1,  6,  [151]  K.  652,  obv.  10,  [179]  K.  664,  obv.  6,  [190]  K.  596,  rv.  7, 
[197]  K.  181,  rv.  5,  [198]  K.  5464,  rv.  1,  [206]  K.  539,  rv.  8,  [208]  K. 
617,  obv.  7,  [220]  K.  1274,  obv.  9,  [266]  K.  79,  obv.  19,  [311]  K.  630, 
obv.  6,  8,  [339]  83-1-18,  19,  obv.  7,  rv.  5,  13,  [380]  R™  2,  3,  obv.  6,  13, 
[381]  81-2-4,  55,  obv.  9,  11,  [409]  R^  2, 2,  obv.  9, 10,  [415]  Bu.  91-5-9, 
157,  obv.  11,  [421]  83-1-18,  6,  obv.  12,  [424]  S.  760,  obv.  9,  [444] 
K.  645,  obv.  6,  [462]  K.  1374,  obv.  21,  rv.  27,  [486]  K.  8375,  obv.  4,  7, 
rv.  3,  9,  10,  15,  [532]  83-1-18,  15,  obv.  10,  [543]  K.  176,  rv.  5,  6,  [547] 
K.  587,  rv.  8,  [548]  K.  593,  obv.  8,  [558]  K.  896,  rv.  4,  5,  7,  8,  [564] 
K.  937,  obv.  2,  [615]  K.  1153,  obv.  5,  [626]  K.  1233,  rv.  3,  [633]  K.  1366, 
rv.  3(?),  5,  27,  [646]  79-7-8,  292,  obv.  6, 7,  8,  9, 10, 11, 13,  [754]  K.  5457, 
obv.  5,  11,  12,  [769]  K.  1042,  rv.  2,  [771]  83-1-18,  49,  rv.  7,  [790]  S. 
1392,  obv.  5,  [803]  K.  13090,  obv.  1,  [830]  K.  1376,  obv.  1,  [845]  K. 
671,  obv.  16,  [846]  K.  673,  i-v.  18,  21,  [849]  K.  580,  rv.  5;  amei  en - 
na[m],  [49]  K.  1168,  rv.  6;  amei  en-[nam],  [131]  K.  625,  obv.  7; 
[205]  K.  537,  rv.  3;  ameien-nam-mes,  [381]  81-2^,  55,  rv.  7,  [444] 
K.  645,  obv.  4,  [506]  K.  678,  obv.  11,  [646]  79-7-8,  292,  obv.  5,  12, 14; 
amei  en-nam-mes-te,  [197]  K.  181,  obv.  13,  [198]  K.  5464,  obv.  16; 
amei  en-nam-mes-te-e-su,  [198]  K.  5464,  obv.  14;  ameign-nam- 
mes-su,  [197]  K.  181,  obv.  11;  en-nam,  [189]  K.  1048,  obv.  9,  [221] 
K.  175,  rv.  11;  amei  nam,  [190]  K.  596,  obv.  25,  rv.  11,  [671]  K.  78, 
rv.  5,  [839]  83-1-18,  21,  rv.  15;  amei  nam-mes,  [148]  K.  1907,  rv.  1, 
[409]  Rm  2,  2,  obv.  15,  [415]  Bu.  91-5-9,  157,  obv.  9,  [464]  K.  1519, 
i-v.  3,  [506] K.  678,  obv.  12,  [543]  K.  176,  obv.  12;  amei  en-nam  II-u, 
[424]  S.  760,  obv.  10. 


Index  of  Officials  17 

ameiDAGIL   ISSURATE:   ameida-gil   mus6n-mes,  [33]  K.  572, 

obv.  9,  [410]  Rm  2,  4,  obv.  6, 12. 
anieiDAllLU:   h«i61  da-a-a-lu,  [530]  80-7-19,  40, obv.  12;  amei  da- 

a-a-li,  [52]  K.  80,  rv.  3,  6,  [309]  K.  1021,  obv.  6,  [424]  S.  760,  obv.  7, 

[444]  K.  645,  rv.  4,  [509]  81-2-4,  123,  obv.  13;    amsi  da-a-a-li-ka, 

[148]  K.  liK)7,  obv.  3;  ""^^i  da-ia-a-li,  [544]  K.  464,  obv.  17;   (amei)? 

da-a-a-la,  [618]  K.  1169,  obv.  15;     a^^ei  da-a-a-li-ia,  [769]  K. 

1042,  obv.  4;    ameirab  da-a-a-lu,    [530]    80-7-19,  40,  obv.  12; 

ameirab  da-a-a-li,  [573]  K.  1003,  obv.  9,  13;  a^eirab  da-a-a- 

li-ia,  [547]  K.  587,  rv.  6. 
ameiMUTTAGGISU:     a-^si  tin,   [102]   K.   657,  obv.  4;    amsi  tin- 

mes,    [253]    K.    1175  +  1207,  obv.  4,   11;      an^ei  tin-raes-ni-ia, 

[253]  K.  1175  +  1207,  obv.  7;    a«n6i  rab  tin-mes,  [389]  S.  1034, 

rv.  3. 
ameiDAllNU:  a^ei  di- tar,  [403]  Bu.  91-5-9,  210,  obv.  14;  amel  da- 

a-a-nu,  [340]  Bu.  91-5-9,  183,  rv.  16,  20. 
amei  ZAMMERU  :   amsi  lul,  [473]  81-2-4,  65,  obv.  10;  amei  lul-mes, 

[210]  K.  647,  obv.  3,  [408]  R""  2,  1,  rv.  15,  22,  30,  [599]  K.  1124,  rv.  5; 

amei  lul-mes-su-nu,  [599]  K.  1124,  obv.  9. 
ameigAZANU     (LAPUTTU?),     amei  gAZANtTU :      ameinu- 

banda,  [505]  81-2-4,  95,  obv.  7;  a™6»  ba-za-nu,  [150]  K.  598,  obv. 

3,  [366J  82-5-22,  96,  obv.  10,  16,  [419]  83-1-18,  24,  obv.  5,  [445]  K.  724, 

rv.  1,  [493]  83-1-18,  13,  rv.  15,  [551]  K.  634,  obv.  3,  [573]  K.  1003,  obv." 

9,  [710]  81-2-4,  87,  obv.  6,  [812]  82-5-22,  93,  obv.  3;   ^^^^  fea-za-nu 

sa  biti    iiaNabu,  [65]  K.  629,   obv.  12;    amei  ^a-za-ni,    [251] 

K.  506,  obv.  5,  [473]  81-2-4,  65,  obv.  9;    amei  ^a-za-nu-ti,  [473] 

81-2-4, 65, obv.  6;  amei  ija-za-na-te,  [91]  K.  620,  obv.  12;  amei  ^a- 

za  .  .  .  (?),  [528]  K.  1065,  obv.  10. 
ameiMUTIR  Tl^ME:    amei  mu-tir  te-e-mu,  [336]  K.  644,  obv.  4; 

amei  mu-tir (?),  [265]  K.  13100,  obv.  5. 

ameiNANGARU:    ^mei  nagar-mes,  [87]  K.  466,  obv.  6,  rv.  7,  [95] 

K.  1151,  rv.  10;  a'"6i  nagar-mes-su-nu,   [475]  83-1-18,  3,  obv.  10; 

an^ei  nagar,  [476]  83-1-18,  5,  obv.  21. 
amelNASlKU:    amei  na-sik,  [608]  K.  1136,  rv.  7;    amei  na-sik-ku, 

[504]  K.  1176,  obv.  10;  "'"el  na-si-ku,  [280]  K.  10,  obv.  14,  [520]  K. 

680,  obv.  4,  14,  rv.  16,  [774]  Bu.  89-4-26,  162,  obv.  13;    a^nei  na-si- 

k[u],  [451]  K.  924,  rv.  10;    amei  na-si-ka-a-ti,  [280]  K.  10,  obv.  19, 

[831]  K.  470,  rv.  5;   amei  na-si-ka-[a-ti],  [622]  K.  1210,  rv.  4;  amei 

na-si [210]  K.  647,  obv.  19. 

ameiNAPPAgU:     amei  gimug  6kalli,    [502]   K.   661,  i-v.  2;    amei 

simug  buraHi,  [566]  K.  942,  obv.  18;    amei  niurub  (for  simug) 

burasi,  [551]* K.  634,  rv.  7,  [812]  82-5-22,  93,  rv.  9,  [847]  83-1-18, 

115,  obv.  3. 
ameipAgARU:    aniei  duk  ka-])ur,  [403]   Bu.  91-5-9,  210,  obv.  5,  7; 

amei  pa-bi-ru,  (?)  [166]  K.  505,  obv.  3. 
ameipiRgixU:    a^ei  pir-bi-nu,   [90]  K.  594,  rv.  14,  [533]  83-1-18, 

44,  obv.  3;  amei  pir-bi-ni,  [167]  K.  582,  rv.  17. 


18      Notes  on  Some  Officials  of  the  Sargonid  Period 

ameiRAB  ALINI:  am§i  rab  er,  [424]  S.  760,  rv.  3;  a^ei  rab  er- 
mes,  [784]  K.  1031,  obv.  15;  amsi  rab  er-mes-te,  [633]  K.  1366, 
rv.  15,  [778]  81-2^,75,  rv.  10:  ameirab-mes  gal-mes,  [253]  K. 
1175  +  1207,  obv.  5,  13;  amei  rab  er-mes-su,  [252]  K.  525,  obv.  8; 
amel  rab  er-mes-su-uu,  [424]  S.  760,  rv.  5;  a^el  rab  er-mes 
ha-a-mes,  [767]  83-1-18,  75,  rv.  1;  amel  rab  er-mes  mu-bu, 
[506]  K.  678,  rv.  5. 

amei  RABtTE:  amsi  gal-mes,  [43]  K.  122,  obv.  7,  11,  [126]  K.  609, 
obv.  6,  rv.  3,  [174]  K.  619,  rv.  11,  14,  [284]  K.  599,  obv.  8,  12,  [327]  K. 
517,  rv.  2,  [328]  K.  638,  obv.  9,  [441]  K.  534,  obv.  5,  [451]  K.  924,  obv. 
17,  [460]  K.  1250,  obv.  3,  [467]  S.  456,  obv.  6,  [482]  82-5-22, 104,  obv. 
13,  [523]  K.  585,  rv.  1,  [532]  83-1-18, 15,  rv.  7,  [546]  K.  557,  obv.  6,  [598] 
K.  1123,  obv.  4,  [633]  K.  1366,  obv.  16,  [714]  K.  1217,  obv.  8,  [804]  K. 
544,  rv.  8,  [867]  81-2-4,  94,  rv.  7;  amsi  gal-mes -te,  [639]  K.  8390, 
rv.  11;  am6igal-[mes](?),  [117]  K.  991,  rv.  7;  amel  gal-gal-mes, 
[467]  S.  456,  rv.  14;  amel  gal-mes-su,  [197]  K.  181,  obv.  28,  rv.  12, 
[281]  K.  13,  rv.  7,  [284]  K.  599,  obv.  12,  [515]  K.  621,  rv.  7. 

amei  RAB  BITI,  amei  R^IL  BlTI,  amei  BITI:  amei  gal-e,  [197] 
K.  181,  rv.  27,  [242]  K.  11148,  rv.  13,  [243]  K.  567,  rv.  10,  [281]  K.  13, 
rv.  19,  [414]  Rin  77,  rv.  3,  [415]  Bu.  91-5-9,  157,  obv.  3,  [579]  K.  1043, 
obv.  8,  [610]  K.  1142,  obv.  13,  [746]  83-1-18,  146,  obv.  8,  [784]  K.  1031, 
obv.  10;  amelgal-e-su,  [228]  K.  1055,  rv.  14;  amei  gal-mes  sa 
biti,  [67]  K.  1050,  rv.  1;  rab  sa  bit-mes  =  rab  bitani(?),  [221] 
K.  175,  rv.  12. 

amei  RAB  :fiKALLI  or  RAB  MITI:  amei  gal-e-gal,  [99]  K.  5466, 
rv.  11,  [160] K.  1243, obv.  14,  [512]  K.  858,  obv.  2;  amei  gal-e -g[al](?), 
[774]  Bu.  89^-26,  162,  rv.  13;  amei  rab  mati  (gal-kur),  [512]  K. 
858,  obv.  7;  .  .  .  .  gal-e-gal,  [99]  K.  5466,  obv.  9. 

ameiKALLU:  a^ei  kal-lu-u,  [275]  K.  82,  obv.  9,  rv.  11,  16;  amei 
kal-li-i,  [434]  Bu.  89-4-26,  163,  rv.  16;  amei  rab  kal-li-e,  [414] 
Rm  77,  obv.  6;  amei  gal -la,  [266]  K.  79,  rv.  2,  11,  [805]  S.  267,  obv. 
10;  amei  ka-al-la-a,  [852]  K.  479,  rv.  4;  amei  mare  kal-lu-te, 
[563]  K.  935,  rv.  4;  amei  kal-mes,  [3]  K.  492,  obv.  11;  amel  kal- 
mes-te,  [232]  K.  1059,  obv.  7. 

amel  K ALU:  amei  rab  ka-li-i,  [419]  83-1-18,  24, rv.  18;  amel  us-ku, 
[493]  83-1-18,  13,  rv.  10,  [361]  81-2-4,  58,  rv.  9. 

ameiuS.KATI:  amel  us  k  a  - 1  i ,  [90]  K.  594,  obv.  10. 

ameiSA  ELI  BIBI,  amei  raB  ABULLE:  amei  sa  muh  ka, 
[277]K.  1066,  rv.7;  amel  gal  ka-gal-mes,  [493]  83-1-18,  13,  rv.  17. 

ameiSA  PlNI  £lKALLI:  amei  ga  si  § k alii,  [90]  K.  594,  obv.  11, 
rv.  4,  8,  [287]  K.  94,  rv.  5,  [328]  K.  638,  obv.  9,  [329]  K.  8383,  obv.  10, 
[568]  K.  956,  rv.  17,  [725]  K.  12989,  obv.  5,  [733]  81-2-4,  113,  obv.  4; 
ameisa  si  ekalli-mes,  [377]  83-1-18,  43,  obv.  14;  amei  sa  pa-ni 
ekalli,  [202]  K.  83,  rv.  1,  [270]  K.  1089,  obv.  5;  amei  ga  pa-an 
e-ga[l],   [521]  83-1-18,  4,  rv.  8. 

amei  SAKU:  amei  sag,  [1]  K.  167,  obv.  11,  [158]  K.  530,  obv.  4,  [190] 
K.  596,  obv.  10,  [220]  K.  1274,  rv.  8,  [261]  K.  563,  rv.  1,  [267]  K. 


Index  of  Officials  19 

462,  rv.  12,  [322]  K.  663,  obv.  11,  [313]  83-1-18,  18  obv.  9,  [434]  Bu. 
89-4-26,  163,  rv.  21,  [448]  K.  826,  obv.  3,  [527]  K.  830,  rv.  13,  [565]  K. 
941,  rv.  7,  [623]  K.  1212,  obv.  2,  [633]  K.  1366,  obv.  6,  [638]  K.  2908, 
obv.  4,  rv.  4,  [746]  83-1-18, 146,  rv.  4,  [841]  K.  4757,  obv.  7;  a^ei  sag- 
ia,  [304]  K.  533,  rv.  5,  7,  [539]  K.  17,  rv.  13;  amei  sag-su,  [473]  81- 
2-4,65,  obv.  6,  [547]  K.  587,  rv.  10,  "'"ei  sag-mes,  [84]  K.  117,  obv. 
7,  [144]  K.  194,  obv.  5,  11,  ,[336]  K.  644,  obv.  8,  [532]  83-1-18,  15, 
obv.  4,  [779]  83-1-18,  90,  obv.  8;  a^ei  sag-mes-ia,  [138]  K.  469, 
obv.  7,  rv.  1;  am^i  sag-mes-su,  [473]  81-2-4,  65,  obv.  7;  an^ei  sag- 
mes-ni,  [322]  K.  663,  obv.  4,  12;  amei  sag  sa  sarri,  [493]  83-1 
-18,13,  rv.  8;  amei  sag  sarri,  [556]  K.  683,  rv.  17;  amsi  sa-ku, 
[276]  K.  154,  rv.  10,  [326]  K.  1249,  obv.  8,  [327]  K.  517,  rv.  11, 
[340]  Bu.  91-5-9,  183,  obv.  23,  rv.  12,  [418]  S.  1028,  obv.  3,  [542] 
K.  114,  obv.  12,  [853]  K.  905,  obv.  13;  ^^^^  sa-ku-mes,  [340]  Bu. 
91-5-9,  183,  rv.  4;  amei  sa-ku-u-ti,  [238]  K.  1107,  obv.  9. 

ZIKRIT  fiKALLI:  sal  e-gal,  [99]  K.  5466,  obv.  8,  [232]  K.  1059 
obv.  6,  [233]  K.  7339,  obv.  6,  [437]  K.  168,  obv.  9,  13,  [568]  K.  956, 
obv.  16,  rv.  9,  [633]  K.  1366,  obv.  16. 

KALLATU:  sal  kal-la-ti,  [263]  K.  825,  obv.  6;  sal  ka-al-la-a-te, 
[494]  80-7-19,  23,  rv.  2. 

ameipiKiTTU:  amei  pi-kit-ti  [12]  K.  666,  obv.  6;  a^ei  pi-ki-ta- 
te,[779]  83-1-18,  90,  obv.  9;  amsi  bel  pi-kit-te-ka-a,  [573]  K. 
1003,  obv.  7;  amei  bel  pi-kit-ta-te-ia,  [573]  K.  1003,  obv.  10; 
ameibgl  pi-kit-ta-a-te,  [476]  83-1-18,  5,  i-v.  14;  ^'^^^  bel  pi- 
kit-ta-a-a-te-mes,;[778]  81-2-4,  75,  obv.  13;  b^l  pi-k[it]-ti, 
[608]  K.  1136,  rv.  9;  pi-kit-te,  [658]  83-1-18,  81,  obv.  9,  [178]  K. 
482,  rv.  1,  [586]  K.  1102,  obv.  4;  pi-kit-ti,  [9]  K.  618,  obv.  6,  [5]  K. 
583,  obv.  10,  [7]  K.  601,  obv.  4,  [304]  K.  583,  obv.  7;  pi-ki-te,  [178] 
K.  482,  obv.  8;  pi-kid-di,  [724]  K.  548,  rv.  9. 

amei  ^A  BITgALLiTI:  almsi  bit-hal,  [309]  K.  1021,  rv.  7;  a^^ei 
sa  bit-bal-la-ti,  [138)  K.  469,  rv.  22;  an^ei  sa  bit-^al-mes, 
[159]  K.  1025,  obv.  4,  [546]  K.  557,  obv.  7,  14,  [174]  K.  619.  obv.  21,  25; 
a«j6i  sa  bit-ha[l-mes],  [567]  K.  946,  obv.  15;  amei  sa  eli  biti 
sa  bit-bal-[iiies],  [577]  K.  1010,  obv.  6. 

ameiAGRt:  amei  ku-mal,  [82]  K.  1200,  rv.  9;  amei  ag-ru-tu,  [210] 
K.  647,  obv.  9. 

atneiARiTU:  Sa  siSa-ri-te  ai  Mar-bu-ba-a-a,  [251]  K.  506,  rv.  1. 

amei  AS.KAK(?)A.A.TI,  [385]  H^  2,  6,  rv.  11. 

amM  AS.SE,  [814]  81-7-27,  34,  rv.  7. 

amei  fi.BAR  sa  ii  Samas,  [262]  K.  607,  rv.  11. 

amei  IP.Tt.GU.TtJ.RA,  [251]  K.  506,  rv.  9. 

ameiUMMlNU:  ameium-ma-nu,  [172]  K.  1052,  obv.  5,  [336]  K. 
644,  obv.  8;  amei  um-[ma-nu],  [172]  K.  1052,  rv.  1;  amei  um- 
me-a,  [566]K.  942,  rv.  4;  amei  urn -ma -ni,  [452]  K.  943,  obv.  10, 
[629 1  K.  1263,  obv.  19,  [867]  81-2-4,  94,  obv.  3. 

amei  ARAMU:  amei  a-ra-mu,  [542]  K.  114,  obv.  15,  [747]  K.  923,  obv. 
4,6;  amei  a-ra-mi-su,[542]K.  114,  rv.  8. 


20      Notes  on  Some  Officials  of  the  Saegonid  Period 

ameiuR:    [465]  K.  8509,  rv.  7;    ur-mes,   [32]  K.  527,  obv.  10;  a-ur 

(=  mar  kalbi)  [208]  K.  617,  rv.  11. 
amei  URlSU:  amei  u-ra-si,  [91]  K.  620,  obv.  13,  rv.  2,  [476]  83-1-18, 

5,  rv.  20,  [464]  K.  1519,  obv.  18;  amei  u-ra-si-e(?),  [119]  K.  499,  rv. 

13;  amei  u-ra-su-tu,  [209]  K.  636,  rv.  1;  ameirab  u-ra-sa-ni, 

[323]  K.  6005,  obv.  5. 
ameiElRIB   BITI,   NIRIB   BITI:   amei  tu  bit i,  [475]  83-1-18,  3, 

obv.  7,  [496]  K.  474,  obv.  14;  amei  tti  biti  sa  biti  ili,  [560]  K.  906, 

rv.  2;    ameitu  biti  sa  iiSamsi,  [468]  R^  217,  obv.  7;  amei  tu 

biti  sa  iiNinip;  [493]  83-1-18,  13,  obv.  12;    amei  tii  biti  sa  ii 

Asur,  [539]  K.  17,  rv.  14;  amei  tu-mes  biti  sa  Dur-ilu,  [401] 

83-1-18,  30,  obv.  3; tu  biti  mes,  [748]  K.  5474,  obv.  5; 

amei  sa  pani  ni-ri-bi,  [875]  Bu.  89-4-26,  71,  obv.  7. 
ameiSA  BITI  KUDINI:  ameiga  bit  ku-din,  [245]  K.  513,  obv.  4, 

13,  rv.  1,  [312]  K.  689,  rv.  9. 
amei  EN.GUR.A.NI,  [387]  S.  1045,  rv.  8. 
ameiUDRI,  UDRtTI,  BEL  UDRI:   amei  ud-ru,  [309]  K.  1021, 

rv.  4;  amelbel  ud-ri,   [444]  K.  645,    obv.  13;    nise  ud-ru-u-ti, 

[121]  K.  468,  obv.  9, 10;  ameigabe  ud-ru -ti,  [506]  K.  678,  rv.  16, 17. 
amei  BI?  [353]  82-5-22,  169,  obv.  9. 

amei  GAR. NA. I  (error  for  gar-ni  =  aakni?),  [430]  Rm  72,  obv.  2. 
ameiGUGALLU    (or   ASARIDU?):  amei   tig-gal,    [562]    K.  927, 

obv.  7. 
amei  GUR.ru. TU,  [752]  R™  48,  rv.  19. 
amei  DA-I-KA-NI-E(?),  [848]  K.  508,  obv.  4,  rv.  2. 
amei  DAN. DA. A. NU  :  (Kal-da-a-nu?)  [210]  K.  647,  rv.  5. 
ameiDI.SA.NU:  [443]  K.  579,  obv.  6. 
ameiziLLIRU:  amei  zi-iMi-i-u,  [281]  K.  13,  obv.  11. 
amei  ZA.ZAK.KU,  [464]  K.  1519,  rv.  4. 
amei  ZtKU  :  amei  zu-ku  sa  §kalli,  [304]  K.  533,  obv.  6. 
amei  gu.KAK:  amei  hu-kak-mes,  [212]  K.  679,  obv.  18. 
amei  giALU  :  amei  }ji-ia-lu,  [272]  K.  4736,  rv.  3;  amei  ha-a-lu  .  .  . 

[849]K.  580,  rv.  4?;  amei  ^i-ia-a-lu,  [5201  K.  680,  obv.  7;  amei^i. 

a-lu-su-nu,  [804]  K.  544,  rv.  15;  fei-'-a-lu,  [412]  48-7-20,  115, 

obv.  18,  21;  ameihi-'-la-a-nu,  [269]  K.  528,  obv.  8;  amei  Iji-ia- 

1  a  -  n  i  -  i  a ,  [280]  K.  10,  obv.  22. 
saiHARIMTU:  ^ai  kar-kit,  [289]  K.  312,  obv.  8;  sal  ha-ri-ma-te, 

[509]  81-2-4,  123,  obv.  11. 
amei  J.KI.I.SU  :  [633]  K.  1366,  obv.  22. 
ameiKIZU:  amei  ki-zu-u-mes,  [542]  K.  114,  obv.  14. 
amei  KU.ZI.ZI.IK.TU,  [620]  K.  1201,  rv.  16. 
amei  KI.ZU(?)BI.E,  [346]  Bu.  89-4-26,  9,  i-v.  6. 
amei  KAR.RA.NI,  [103]  K.  1189,  obv.  9. 
amei  KAR.KA.TIN,  [322]  K.  663,  obv.  9. 
amei  KALLAPANU  :  amei  kal-la-pa-ni,  [526]  K.  628,  rv.  1. 
amei  KITKUTU  (=KITKITTU?):  amei  ^ar  ki-it-ku-te-e,  [414] 

Rm  77,  obv.  11. 


Index  of  Officials  21 

amei  L  A  :  (error  for  APIN  ?)  [845]  K.  671,  obv.  10. 

amei  MAKTU,  a-^ei  MAKTOTU:  '^'"^1  ma-cak-tu,  [343]  83-1-18,18, 

rv.  3;  amsi  ma-ak-tu,  [434]  Bu.  89^-26,  163,  obv.  20;  an^ei  ma- 

ak-tu-tu,  [792]  8.3-1-18,  52,  rv.  7,  [794]  83-1-18,  150,  rv.  12;  amsi 

ma-ak-tu-tu,  [343]  83-1-18,  18,  obv.  13;  a^ei  ma-ak-tu-te,[140J 

K.  518,  obv.  6,  rv.  5;  a-^ei  ma-ak-tii-u-te,  [434]  Bu.  89-4-26,163, 

obv.  17,  rv.  19. 
amei  MA.LA.ZIZ(?),  [701]  S.  1338,  rv.  1. 
amei  MAN :  [873]  Bu.  89-4-26,  20,  rv.  7. 

amei  MAR   EKALLI:   mar  6 ka Hi,  [512]  K.  858,  obv.  5,  6,  14. 
amei  MUBU:   am^^i  mu-bu-u,   [467]  S.  456,  obv.  24;    nise  mu-bu, 

[506]  K.  678,  obv.  16  {cf.  amei  rab  aiftni  mu-bu,  [506]  K.678,  rv.  5). 
amei  NA.U.A.NI,  [585]  K.  1098,  rv.  2. 
sal  NA.GIS.MA.MES,  [103]  K.  1189,  obv.  8. 
amei  NlKISU  :  amei  na-ki-su-te,  [484]  81-7-27,  33,  obv.  11. 
amei  SAKLU:    amei  sa-ak-lu,  [437]  K.  168,  rv.  15;  amei  gak-lu-te, 

[325]  K.  571,  obv.  10,  13,  16. 
anaei  SU.gl. IN. TU.su,  [564]  K.  937,  obv,  16. 
amei  PI. E ?   [812]  82-5-22,  93,  rv.  20. 
amei  PARITU:  amei  pa-ri-tu,  [812]  82-5-22,  93,  rv.  16. 
amei  PARSAMU:  amei  par-su-mu,  [3]  K.  492,  rv.  3;  ameipar-su- 

me,  [9]  K.  618,  obv.  15;   amei^par-sa-mu-ti,  [168]  K.  636,  rv.  15; 

amei  par-sa-mu-te,  [2]  K.  183,  obv.  16. 
amei  KASTI:  a^ei  gis-ban-mes,  [267]  K.  462,  obv.  14,  rv.  13,  [754] 

K.  5457,  obv.  10,  28;  nis6  ban,  [617]  K.  1167,  obv.  10;  nis6  gis- 

ban,  [617]  K.  1167,  rv.  3. 
amei  KADt:  ameika-di-e,  [462]  K.  1374,  obv.  10. 
amei  KADISTU:    amei  gjg^   [447]  k.  821,  rv.  13,  [370]   81-2^,  49, 

obv.  14. 
amei  RAB  ARDINI:  amei  rab  nitag-mes,   [208]  K.  617,  rv.  6  (?), 

[533]  83-1-18,  44,  rv.  1,  12,  14,  [633]  K.  1366,  rv.  15. 
amei  RAB  TANiBU:  amei  rab  ta-ni-be,  [114]  K.  538,  rv.  1,  [876] 

Bu.  91-5-9,  144,  obv.  12,  rv.  4. 
amei  RAB  BIRTI:  amei  rab  bir-ti,  [422]  Rm  215,  obv.  8. 
amei  RA.I.'AN-NU,  [521]  83-1-18,  4,  obv.  21. 
amei  RAB.DIS.SI :   (captain  of  1,000?)  Bu.  89-4-26,  162,  rv.  7. 
(amei)  RAB.BIR,  [221]  K.  175,  obv.  12. 
amei  RASt(?j:  amei  ra-sa-ni,  [418]  S.  1028,  rv.  6;  amei"ra-sa-a-ni, 

[518]  83-1-18,  27,  rv.  7. 
amei  RAB  PILKANU:  amei  rab  pil-ka-ui,  [91]  K.  620,  obv.  14,  rv. 

4;  rab  pil-ka-ni,  [512]  K.  858,  obv.  4. 
amei  RADIANU,  [102]  K.  6.57,  obv.  9,  rv.  11. 
amei  RIDt:    amei  ri-di-ia,  [866]  81-2-4,  93,  obv.  11,  rv.  8;  amei  ri- 

di-ia-a-mes,  [866]   81-2-4,  93,  obv.  10;   ameifi-di-  .  .  .  ^ibid., 

obv.  13. 
amei  RI-'-MI(?),  [262]  K.  607,  rv.  9. 
amei  RA-SI-TU,  [848]  K.  508,  rv.  5. 


22      Notes  on  Some  Officials  of  the  Sargonid  Period 

ameiSA  BITI   II-E,  [801]K.  13077,  obv.  6. 

amei  SU.GAB.A.MES,  [755]  83-1-18,  122,  obv.  16;   a^ei  rab  «"«! 

rab  su-gab-a-mes,  [755]  83-1-18,  122,  obv.  6. 
ameiSA  PlNI  BIT   KItA:  [875]  Bu.  89^-26,  71,  obv.  5. 
ameiSA  PiNI  MlTI:  (=sa  pani  ekalli)  [467]  S.  456,  rv.  11. 
amei  SEIBU,  SIBtTU:  amei  si-bu-u,  [790]  S.  1392,  rv.  4;  amei  si- 

bu-tu,  [202]  K.  83,  rv.  15,  [210]  K.  647,  obv.  2,  [576]  K.  1009,  obv.  2, 

rv.  9,  [753]  82-5-2,  111,  obv.  6. 
aniei  SAG.US(?).MES.TE,  [175]  K.  614,  obv.  7. 
amei  SISLU  (SI'LU?):  amei  si-i^-lu,  [154]  K.  653,  rv.  8. 
ameiSAL.UM:  (should  it  be  si-um,  abarakku?)  [433]  79-7-8,138, 

rv.  9;  [712]  S.  1223,  obv.  5. 
amei  SAMALLI):  amei  sagan-lal-mes,  [65]  K.  629,  rv.  6. 
amei  SA  SA.GA.TE,  [167]  K.  582,  obv.  17  (c/.  sa-ga-a-te,  [75]  K. 

546,  obv.  7). 
amei  SIMU:    amsi  gam-mes,  [99]  K.  5466,  rv,   12;    tur-mes   sam- 

mes,    [99]    K.  5466,  rv.  10;   amei  mes   sam-mes,   [99]  K.  5466, 

obv.  11. 
amei  SA   SAPTI,    or    ZIKNI(?):    amei  ga  su-mes,   [144]  K.    194, 

obv.  11. 
amei  SARNUPPU:  amei  sa-Sr-nu-up-pu,  [281]  K.  13,rv.l2, 15, 18. 
amei  SATAMMU:  amei  s^-tam,  [412]  48-7-20,  115,  obv.  15,  [437]  K. 

168,  obv.  6,  24,  [476]  83-1-18,  5,  obv.  28,  rv.  9,  13;   amei  §&. tarn - 

mes,  [437]  K.  168,  rv.  8;  amei  s^-tam-u-ti,  [437]  K.  168,  rv.  15. 
amei  TARGUMINU:   amei  tar-gu-ma-nu,  [387]  S.  1045,  rv.  5. 
amei  TARBllNU:   amei  tar-bi-a-ni,  [127]  K.  616,  rv.  4. 
amei  TIK.EN.NA:  amei  tik-en-na,  [327]  K.  517,obv.  2,  [328]  K.  638, 

obv.  2,  [344]  83-1-18,  28,  obv.  2,  [438]  K.  177,  rv.  11,  [447]  K.  821, 

obv.  8,  [540]  K.  87,  obv.  11,  [542]  K.  114,  obv.  11;  amei  tiken-na- 

mes,  [540]  K.  87,  obv.  4. 

A  group  of  women  in  [527]  K.  830  are  described  by  terms 
that  may  be  gentilic;  but  some  rank  or  employment  seems  to  me 
the  more  probable: 

sal  AR-RA-BA-TI:  obv.  3,  6,  9. 
saiRAB.TI:   (=rabati?)  obv.  4. 
saiBI-NI-TI:  obv.  5. 
saiTU-'-A-TI:  obv.  5. 
saiHU-LU-UT-TI:  obv.  6. 
saiNA.MIR.TI:  rv.  2,  16. 


Index  of  Officials 


23 


K.  1589,  obv.  6. 

K.  634,  rv.  3. 

K.  1202,  obv.  4. 

K.  1098,  obv.  1. 

D.  T.  63,  obv.  9. 

K.  910,  obv.  7. 

83-1-18,  5,  obv.  21. 

K.  4736,  rv.  2. 

Bu.  91-5-9, 107,  obv.  8. 

48-7-20,  116,  obv.  17. 

82-5-22, 141,  rv.  4. 

83-1-18,  5,  rv.  24. 

K.  942,  obv.  1. 

K.  1170,  rv.  10,  12. 

Rm.  2,  6,  obv.  14. 

S.  1940,  obv.  13. 

K.  177,  rv.  23. 

K.  651,  rv.  2. 

K.  543,  obv.  2. 

Bu.  91-5-9,  107,  obv.  11 


THE   ASSYRO- BABYLONIAN    ^'"ei  TU.biti. 

Johns,  ADD.  II,  p.  106,  in  discussing  this  officer,  inclines  to 
the  view  that  he  is  not  a  temple  official  of  any  kind,  but  merely 
an  occupant  of  temple  lands,  charged  with  certain  dues  to  the 
temple.  This  opinion  he  would  support  by  reference  to  royal 
endowments  of  the  temples,  in  which  connection  the  ^"^^^TU.biti 
is  sometimes  mentioned.  But  this  is  inconclusive.  Such  con- 
nection with  temple -endowments  may  imply  nothing  more  than 
the  modern  pastor's  connection  with  the  manse  and  glebe,  or 
parsonage,  or  parish  house.  There  is  further  the  objection  that 
in  the  Cultustafel  of  Sippara,  also  mentioned  by  Johns,  the  most 
important  provisions  for  the  reorganization  of  the  temple  services 
are  made  ki  pi  ^'"^^TU.biti,  "according  to  the  instructions  of 
the  TU.blti."  Further,  instead  of  being  taxed  for  the  main- 
tenance of  the  temple,  provision  is  made  for  his  support.  He 
receives  five  shares  of  the  daily  receipts  as  against  two  shares 
received  by  the  nas  patri.  In  H.  167,  K.  582,  rv.  17,  sqq.,  we 
may  compare  the  daily  allotment  for  a  masmasu,  four  shares, 
and  for  a  pirhinu,  two  shares.  There  is  also  an  *™^^TU.biti 
II-u  in  the  Cultustafel,  a  species  of  classification  improbable  in 
the  case  of  mere  tenants  or  taxpayers.  We  also  find  ^"^^TU.biti 
who  do  not  appear  to  be  connected  with  the  temple,  and  are 
probably  palace  officials.  In  various  places  we  find  them  spoken 
of  in  a  way  that  suggests  high  rank.  I  do  not  see  how  to  recon- 
cile the  various  data,  except  upon  the  theory  that  the  TU.blti 
was  a  great  official.  Accepting  the  reading  erebu  for  TU  as 
the  key  to  the  solution,  we  may  find  him  to  be  the  ^"^^^sa  pani 
ni-ri-bi,  as  written  syllabically  in  H.  875,  Bu.  89-4-26,  71, 
obv.  7.  This  may  be  preferable  to  the  reading  erib  biti  cited 
by  Johns.  That  nirib  rather  than  erib  is  used  in  reference  to 
the  entrance  of  a  structure  of  any  kind,  is  shown  by  numerous 
passages;  cf.  HWB.,  p.  127.  That  we  must  understand  the  officer 
in  question  to  be  something  more  than  a  mere  porter  or  janitor, 
at  least  much  more  than  is  expressed  by  our  modern  conceptions 

24 


The  Assyro-Babylonian  a^'^'TU.BiTi  25 

of,    and    associations    with    these    terms,    will    appear    from    the 
following  data. 

In  H.  512,  K.  528,  we  have  a  letter  that  is  suggestive.  The 
writer  does  not  state  his  office,  but,  though  addressing  the  mayor 
of  the  palace,  he  does  not  call  him  "my  lord."  Such  mode  of 
address  clearly  indicates  that  he  is  of  higher  rank  than  the 
recipient  of  the  letter. 

Order  of  Nabfl-z§r-lisir  to  the  mayor  of  the  palace:  (Admit) 
"Nabli-sarbti-ikisa;  "^Zer-Istar,  a  chief  repairer(?)  {HWB.,  527, 
Johns,  ADD.  II,  p.  174;  Van  Gelderen,  BAS.  IV,  p.  532);  ^  Ubba  (one 
Arabian)  (?)  a  palace  employee  (son  of  the  palace);  "^  Mtisura  (one  Egyp- 
tian) (?)  a  palace  employee;  the  wife  of  the  rab-mati  (mayor  of  the 
palace);  three  sons  of  °iNabti-zer-lisir;  the  wife  of  'oNabli-sarbti- 
iklsa;  two  daughters  of  ">  Nabti-z6r-llsir,  (and)  his  daughter-in-law. 

The  8th  day  of  Tammuz. 

«"  Nabft-zer-lisir  to  (any)  son  of  the  palace. 

Total,  fourteen  persons  admitted. 

It  would  seem  that  we  here  have  an  ancient  pass  ticket.  The 
writer  furnishes  an  order  of  admission  to  various  persons  who  wish 
to  enter  the  palace  enclosure.  Addressed  primarily  to  the  mayor 
of  the  palace,  it  is  countersigned  at  the  bottom,  authorizing 
admission  by  any  "son  of  the  palace"  who  may  be  on  duty  at  the 
gate  when  the  ticket  is  presented.  The  note  was  written  rapidly, 
the  determinative  amelu  being  omitted  in  some  places;  and 
hence  there  is  uncertainty  about  the  third  and  fourth  names  in 
the  list.  The  plural  sign  is  omitted  throughout,  and  there  is  an 
error  of  two  in  the  total  as  the  letter  stands  in  Harper's  text.  It 
is  to  be  noticed  that  six  of  the  persons  mentioned  are  members  of 
the  writer's  family,  and  one  is  the  wife  of  the  mayor  of  the  palace 
to  whom  the  order  is  addressed.'  Two  persons  are  palace  officials 
of  some  type.  It  would  appear,  then,  that  even  persons  prominent 
in  the  social  circle  of  the  palace  required,  if  they  had  been  outside 
its  precincts,  a  special  order  for  their  re-admission,  and  that 
there  was  a  person  authorized  to  issue  such  tickets;  perhaps  an 
amei  gg  pani  niribi. 

In  H.  511,  K.  654,  we  have  a  letter  from  a  man  of  the  same 
name,  Nabu-z6r-llsir,  written,  however,  in  the  Babylonian 
script.  He  reports  a  number  of  things — garments,  gold,  silver, 
horses,  sheep,  etc. — for  Abu-6rba  "of  the  king's  seed"  and  his 

1  The  cases  cited  by  Johns,  ..^DZ).  II,  p.  157,  make  it  api>ear  that  rab  mftti  and  rab 
fikalli  are  equivalent  titles. 


26      Notes  on  Some  Officials  of  the  Sargonid  Period 

wife,  all  of  which  seem  to  be  consigned  to  his  charge  in  the  palace 
(dib-bu  na-as-ru-ti  sa  "  Nabti-zer-lisir  ina  ekalli  du- 
bu-ub).  If  this  person  is  the  writer  of  H.  512,  we  should  have 
some  further  suggestion  as  to  the  rigid  supervision  he  would 
exercise  over  everything  entering  the  palace. 

H,  475,  83-1-18,  3,  is  a  short  but  suggestive  letter,  probably 
from  Ibassi-ilu,  written  in  the  Babylonian  character: 

To  the  king,  my  lord,  thy  servant  (Ibassi-ilu).  May  Nabii  and 
Marduk  be  gracious  to  the  king,  my  lord.  Referring  to  Iddin-a^li, 
and  Ina-klbi-Bel,  his  brother,  the  TU.biti:  According  as  the  letter 
of  the  king  my  lord  gave  orders  to  me,  viz.,  send  them  those  carpenters 
— now  I  will  send  them  unto  the  king  my  lord. 

Apparently  the  two  officers  named  have  made  a  requisition  for 
carpenters  for  some  purpose,  and  the  king  has  sent  word  to 
Ibassi-ilu  to  supply  the  needed  men.  The  inference  is  natural 
that  alterations  or  repairs  of  the  temple  may  have  been  under  the 
supervision  of  the  TU.biti,  and  this  inference  we  shall  find  sup- 
ported by  other  data  to  be  cited.  The  two  officers  named  also 
appear  in  another  important  role;  c/.  infra  H.  496.  In  the 
meantime  we  may  compare  the  change  in  organization  made  by 
Joash,  2  Kings  12:4  sqq.  It  is  to  be  observed  there  that  so  long 
as  the  chief  priests,  those  officiating  about  the  altar,  handled  the 
temple  receipts,  the  house  of  Yahweh  was  in  bad  repair,  and  there 
were  no  available  funds.  Only  when  the  matter  was  taken  out  of 
their  hands  and  placed  in  charge  of  "the  priests,  the  keepers  of 
the  threshold,"  was  the  house  put  in  proper  condition.  The 
system  adopted,  the  subdivision  and  distribution  of  priestly  func- 
tions, is  an  interesting  parallel  to  the  Assyrian  method.  Modern 
critical  views  upon  the  relative  importance  and  the  chronological 
priority  of  priest  and  Levite  may  require  a  slight  modification. 
Some  such  assignment  to  special  duty  would  be  necessary  in  the 
nature  of  the  case,  even  though  all  alike  were  called  "the  priests, 
the  Levites."  1  Chron.  9:17-29,  will  be  reflected  in  the  further 
study  of  the  TU.biti. 

It  would  seem  that  the  ^™^^ TU.biti  was  prone  to  make 
alterations  in  the  temple  interior  without  consulting  anyone.  The 
letter  H.  493,  83-1-18,  13,  is  from  Asur-rlsua,  a  priest  of 
Ninib,  who  is  not  pleased  with  what  has  been  done.  The  purport 
of  this  broken  letter  is  clear  enough.  During  the  reign  of  the 
king's  father  the  TU.biti  of  Ninib  had  altered  the  golden  orna- 


OF  THE     ■* 

UNIVERSITY 

OF 
The   AsSYRO-BABYLONIAN^'»^lTU.BiTI  27 

merits  of  the  head  of  Ninib.  At  the  time  of  writing,  a  company 
of  workmen  are  employed  in  cutting  strips  of  silver  from  the 
walls.  The  priest  begs  that  the  king  will  stop  the  work,  and 
remarks  that  he  himself  has  not  been  consulted,  though  he  thinks 
himself  "their  brother"  in  such  matters.  With  this  we  may 
compare  H.  468,  Rm.  217.  Some  Babylonians  complain  to  the 
king  that  5ulala,  a  TU.biti  of  Samas,  has  come  down  and 
carried  off  "a  sky^  of  gold"  from  fisagila.  What  action  the 
priests  took  with  reference  to  the  matter  is  illegible.  Some  of 
the  people  are  incensed,  and  say  that  they  are  no  longer  safe; 
that  they  will  be  made  like  the  city  of  Gana.  Such  stripping 
of  costly  decorations  from  temples,  to  beautify  Assyria,  may  have 
been  one  of  the  causes  of  Babylonian  revolts  from  Assyrian 
domination. 

To  these  evidences  of  the  authority  of  the  TU.biti  in  the 
matter  of  repairing  or  altering  the  temples,  we  may  add  Rm. 
Ill,  105,  a  broken  cylinder,  published  by  Winckler,  AOF.  I,  pp. 
256  sqq.  It  comes  from  the  period  of  civil  war  in  Babylonia, 
near  the  middle  of  the  eighth  century  B.  C.  The  inscription  is 
of  one  Nabu-sum-imbi,  who  tells  us  that  he  is  a  nisakku  and 
a  TU.biti  of  Nabu,  as  well  as  sakti  (Winckler,  NIN.ku)  of 
Borsippa.  He  records  his  restoration  of  the  temple,  which  was 
damaged  during  the  civil  war.  Nabusumiddina,  a  son  of  Daini- 
Nabu,  and  a  TU.biti  of  Nabu,  had  made  a  night  attack  upon 
the  temple  in  Borsippa,  which  Nabusumimbi  was  holding  with  an 
armed  force.  The  pious  Nabusumimbi  prayed  to  Nabu  until 
sunrise,  and  as  a  result  the  enemy  were  beaten  ofip.  The  success- 
ful combatant  expresses  his  gratitude  to  Nabti  by  repairing  the 
temple. 

Passi'ng  from  this  relation  of  the  TU.biti  to  the  repairs  or 
alterations  of  the  temple,  we  find  another  interesting  feature  of 
his  office.  Iddinabu  and  Ina-kIbi-B6l,  two  officials  already  men- 
tioned in  H.  475,  appear  in  this  important  function  in  H.  496, 
K.  474.  Ibassi-ilu  writes  to  notify  the  king  that  the  third  of 
Elul  is  the  day  for  the  arraying  of  Bfil,  and  that  the  opening  of 
the    great    gate    of    the    temple    takes    place    upon    the    fourth. 

2  AN.  E.,  the  usual  mode  of  writing  Sam  6  in  the  letters.  I  doubt  its  being  a  plural  of 
"God,"  as  this  would  not  be  in  accfjrd  with  the  epistolary  usa^e.  Moreover,  fisagila  is  the 
residence  of  Marduk,  and  we  should  hardly  expect  miscellaneous  idols  tlierein,  judging 
from  the  complaint  against  Nabonidus  in  the  Cyrus  cylinder.  Further,  would  an  official  of 
the  3ama§  cult  have  use  for  images  from  the  Marduk  temple  T  He  would,  of  course,  have 
use  for  the  gold. 


28      Notes  on  Some  Officials  of  the  Saegonid  Period 

Iddinahti  and  Ina-kibi-Bel,  the  TU.biti  are,  as  the  king  knows, 
the  persons  properly  in  charge  of  those  ceremonies.  The  writer 
asks  that  they  be  sent,  and  that  they  may  stand  with  him  on  the 
day  of  the  opening  of  the  gate.  It  is  probable,  then,  that  they 
were  expected  to  pass  upon  the  dress  of  the  worshipers  as  well 
as  that  of  Bel,  when  they  stood  with  Ibalsi-ilu.  The  position  of 
Ibassi-ilu  himself  I  do  not  know.  In  other  letters  of  this  group, 
HH.  496-501,  we  find  him  reporting  that  the  king's  orders  for 
beds,  coronets  for  Anu,  and  other  temple  fittings,  have  been 
filled.  Since  the  data  already  given  show  the  TU.biti  to  be 
connected  with  such  matters,  and  since  in  the  letter  under  con- 
sideration Ibassi-ilu  wishes  two  well-known  threshold-keepers  to 
stand  with  him  on  the  great  day  of  the  opening  of  the  gate  of 
Bel,  he  may  have  been  such  an  official  himself.  He  may  also  be 
identifiable  with  one  of  two  men  of  his  name  prominent  in 
Thompson's  EM  A. 

These  suggestions  concerning  the  functions  of  this  official 
recall  the  Cultustafel.  Col.  V,  26  sqq.,  specifies,  "and  furni- 
ture of  the  interior^  according  to  the  instruction  of  the  two 
a-^^iTU.biti-MEg."  The  king's  share  of  the  daily  expense 
(c/.  2  Chron.  31:3)  is  the  food  for  the  priests,  and  "two  shares 
according  to  the  instructions  of  the  two  ^""^^ TU.biti ;"  then 
follows  the  list  of  clothing  provided.  Special  garments  are 
required  for  the  seventh  of  Nisan,  the  tenth  of  lyyar,  the  third 
of  Elul,  the  seventh  of  Tisrit,  the  fifteenth  of  Marchesvan,  and 
the  fifteenth  of  Adar :  altogether  six  festal  robes  each  year  given 
by  the  king.  The  interesting  features  in  these  details  are  the 
evident  authority  of  the  TU.biti,  and  the  fact  that  the  third  of 
Elul  requires  a  special  festal  garment  for  the  servitor  of  Samas, 
as  it  does  in  the  letter  last  quoted  for  the  servitor  of  Bel.  In  H. 
338,  82-5-22,  98  Mar-Istar  also  discusses  ceremonies  for  Bel 
and  Marduk  upon  the  third  of  Elul,  and  the  opening  of  the  gate 
is  mentioned  (c/.  Van  Gelderen,  BAS.  IV,  p.  533).  We  may 
compare  with  these  specifications  for  particular  garments  upon 
occasions  of  unusual  significance,  Jehu's  order :  "  Bring  forth 
vestments  for  the  priests  of  Baal"  (2  Kings  10:22),  In  the 
twenty -third  verse  is  an  order  for  special  scrutiny  of  the 
assembly,   that   only   duly   qualified  worshipers   may  be  within. 

3U-na-at  lib-bi  is  not  translated  by  Jeremias,  BAS.  I,  p.  275  ;c/.  u-na-a-te  hurftsi 
kaspi  sipirri  parzilli  isS  uabnfi  6pu§,  from  an  ASurbanipal  inscription,  cited 
by  E.  F.  Harper,  Hebeaica,  X  (1894),  198. 


The  Assyro-Babylonian  '^'"^^  TU.biti  29 

This  may  be  parallel  to  the  request  of  Ibassi-ilu  that  the  two 
wardens  may  assist  him  in  the  great  gate  upon  the  festal  day. 
In  Ezekiel's  code  we  observe  that  the  priests  must  leave  their 
vestments  in  the  side  chambers,  not  being  allowed  to  come  among 
the  laity  wearing  their  official  apparel  (Ezek.  42:13,  l-t ;  44:19). 
The  Levitical  code  (Exod.  38:4)  will  readily  suggest  itself  ; 
but  till  we  know  precisely  what  the  Babylonian  or  Assyrian  robes 
were,  we  cannot  undertake  a  comparative  study  of  Jewish  and 
Mesopotamian  priestly  apparel.  But  it  seems  clear  from  the 
cuneiform  data  so  far  that  the  great  guardian  of  the  threshold 
was  responsible  for  the  proper  preparation  of  every  one  who 
would  enter  the  temple.  Only  thus  could  the  perfection  of  each 
rite  be  guaranteed  (observe  the  conditions  and  reservations  in 
the  oracles  of  the  Sun-god) ;  and  only  thus  could  the  temple  be 
kept  free  from  defilement.  The  post  was  no  sinecure,  and  we 
shall  see  that  the  warden  needed  to  know  all  that  occurred  within 
the  temple  as  well  as  what  was  approaching  from  without. 

Our  data  also  allow  the  conclusion  that  the  average  temple  had 
two  chief  officers  of  this  type;  and  this  may  imply  two  gates  of 
the  temple  in  daily  use,  besides  the  great  gate  opened  upon  spe- 
cial occasions  when  the  presence  of  the  king  was  expected.  We 
observe  that  there  are  two  threshold  keepers  in  the  Cultustafel; 
two  are  called  for  by  Ibassi-ilu ;  in  the  narrative  of  Nabusumimbi 
two  rival  threshold  keepers  are  warring  for  the  possession  of  the 
temple;  in  the  Cultustafel  one  of  the  two  officers  is  an  ^""^^ 
TU.bIti  II-u.  We  may  venture  the  suggestion,  then,  that  Ezek. 
44:1-4;  46:1-3,  8-12,  give  us  some  idea  of  the  arrangement 
of  a  Babylonian  temple  [cf.  also  1  Chron.  31 :  14  for  "the  porter 
toward  the  east")  and  of  the  movement  of  the  throng  upon  a 
festal  occasion,  under  the  supervision  of  the  TU.bIti.  Further 
questions  concerning  the  arrangement  of  the  Babylonian  temple 
will  be  considered  in  a  separate  paper.  For  the  modification  of 
Ezekiel's  plan  see  Josephus,  Ant.,  XV,  II,  5,  and  1  Chron.  9:17-28. 

As  showing  the  familiarity  of  the  TU.bIti  with  all  that 
occurred  within  the  temple,  the  letters  of  Akkullanu  are  pecu- 
liarly interesting.  This  writer  is  shown  in  H.  539,  K.  17,  rv.  14, 
15,  to  be  a  TU.bIti  of  the  temple  of  Asur.  In  H.  16,  K.  428,  in  a 
brief  report  to  the  king,  too  broken  to  be  intelligible,  he  is  asso- 
ciated with  Adadsumusur,  Arad-fia,  and  Istarsumfires.  This 
places  his  activity  in  Esarhaddon's  reign,  a  fact  further  supported 


30      Notes  on  Some  Officials  of  the  Sargonid  Period 

by  H.  43,  K.  122.  His  prominence  will  be  more  clearly  realized 
when  that  of  his  associates  is  remembered.  Their  activity  is 
noticeable  in  the  excursus  upon  the  Esarhaddon  succession. 
The  letters  of  Akkullanu,  HH.  42-50,  429,  678-681,  suggest 
that  he  is  the  proper  person  to  address  for  information  upon 
almost  any  matter  connected  with  the  temple,  or  its  service. 

H.  42,  K.  14,  has  been  translated  by  Van  Gelderen,  BAS.  IV, 
p.  518.  Akkullanu  reports  that  on  the  third  of  the  month  (Elul 
again?),  Asur  and  Belit  went  forth  in  peace  and  returned  in 
peace.  Goblets  and  drink  for  the  king  have  been  duly  prepared, 
and  rites  which  had  ceased  through  neglect  have  been  re-estab- 
lished; but  the  suraru-wine  for  the  month  Tisrit  has  not  been 
provided  for  Alur.  The  chief  vintner,  his  deputy,  and  his 
secretary  have  alike  neglected  the  matter. 

The  next  letter,  H.  43,  K.  122,  is  the  most  interesting  of  all. 
Van  Gelderen,  BAS.  IV,  p.  513,  has  given  a  translation,  and 
Johns  gives  a  general  view  of  it,  ADD.  II,  p.  105,  and  a  com- 
plete translation  ABLCL.,  p.  377,  changing  his  former  view 
slightly.  In  both  he  differs  somewhat  from  Van  Gelderen.  I  am 
not  sure  that  the  reverse  of  the  letter  is  perfectly  understood. 
But  the  bearing  upon  the  duties  of  the  TU.biti  is  in  no  wise 
affected.  In  the  first  part  of  the  letter,  he  replies  to  an  inquiry  of 
the  king  informing  him  of  the  governors,  cities,  and  provinces  that 
have  neglected  to  send  the  regular  offerings  to  Asur.  Nineteen 
are  named;  and  as  several  of  these  are  certainly  provinces  out- 
side of  Assyria  itself,  we  may  have  a  sidelight  upon  the  unwil- 
lingness of  the  Hebrew  prophet  to  see  his  king  maintain  either 
hostile  or  dependent  relations  with  Assyria.* 

The  reverse  of  the  tablet  reports  the  facts  concerning  two 
priests  (Van  Gelderen,  "scribes"),  who  had  been  consecrated 
by  Sennacherib,  but  had  lost  their  positions  through  some  cere- 
monial mishaps,  "not  great  sins."  One  is  "priest  of  the  bake- 
room,"^  shaved  when  he  was  young.  The  other  is  chief  of  the 
larder,  or  almost  a  "head-waiter"  for  the  temple  tables.  Each 
seems  to  have  been  deposed  for  some  inattention  to  proper  shaving 

*  Compare  the  frequent  complaints  concerning  rebels  in  the  cuneiform  historical 
inscriptions.  "Thej'  had  had  not  sent  to  inquire  after  my  peace  —  they  scorned  the 
solemn  oaths  by  the  great  gods." 

5  With  this  priest  of  the  bake-house,  compare  the  little  cooking  chambers  flanking 
Ezekiel's  temple  (after  Babylonian  models  (?)),  46  :  19-24,  and  the  chambers  and  those  in 
charge  of  things  baked  in  pans,  1  Chron.  9 :  31 ;  23 :  28,  29 ;  Lev.  2:5-7;  6 :  21 ;  7:9. 


The  Assyro-Babylonian  «"*^TU.BiTi  31 

(ina  la  sa^-sa-su-te  la  gal-lu-ub).*^  Thus  apart  from  the 
information  the  letter  gives  concerning  the  TU.bIti,  it  is  of 
interest  as  suggesting  some  exacting  ritual  of  the  Assyrian 
priesthood.  Apparently,  cuttings  of  the  "corners  of  the  head 
and  beard"  were  seriously  regarded.  As  for  the  TU.biti,  he 
is  evidently  expected  to  know  the  past  history  of  the  temple 
as  well  as  current  events.  One  would  infer  his  familiarity  with 
the  temple  library,  or  record  room.  The  record  of  the  neglect 
of  stated  sacrifices  by  certain  governors  recalls  the  frequent  com- 
plaints of  the  Hebrew  narratives,  and  the  list  of  nobles  bringing 
offerings,'  in  Numb.  7. 

H.  185,  K.  1396  is  interesting  after  this  report  concerning 
delinquent  governors.  NabubSlsunu  tells  Asurmudammik  that  he 
has  been  wronged  by  Akkullanu.  The  latter  has  obtained  twelve 
or  thirteen  mana  of  silver  from  Asurmudammik,  for  the  breaches 
of  the  shrines  of  Asur  and  Belit.  Nabubelsunu  tells  his  friend  to 
make  a  memorandum  of  it,  and  to  plan  for  its  recovery.  It 
would  seem  that  Akkullanu,  when  charged  with  repairing  the 
temple,  was  inclined  to  somewhat  vigorous  measures  for  securing 
the  necessary  funds, 

H.  44,  K.  604  gives  us  no  information.  Akkullanu  asks  the 
king  for  a  reply  to  a  previous  letter.  In  H.  45,  K.  691  he 
announces  that  he  will  "bring  to  Dilbat"(?)  an  axe,*  pilakku 
that  has  been  called  for.     It  is  probable  that  some  sacred  symbol, 

6  For  shaving  the  head  as  part  of  the  ceremony  of  consecration  to  the  priesthood,  com- 
pare ASurbAnipal.  L^  12,  13.  Observe  the  many  cylinder-seals  and  reliefs  in  which  a  shaved 
person  is  brought  before  a  god,  e.  g.,  the  DeClercq  collection.  The  appendix  to  Curtiss, 
PSR.,  268,  by  Wm.  Hayes  Ward,  gives  a  number  of  illustrations.  Notable  are  figures  3,  7,  10, 
n,  19.  A  fully  appareled  priest  wears  a  queue,  sometimes  plaited,  sometimes  turned  up 
behind,  or  decorated.  .\s  an  unclean  person  must  keep  from  the  altar  in  general  Semitic 
usage,  we  must  regard  these  scones  as  illustrating  consecration  or  purification.  Some  of 
the  figures  may  represent  females,  but  some  are  certainly  shaved  males.  Compare  the 
shaving  of  the  Levites  when  consecrated.  Numb.  8:7;  the  shaving  of  tiio  head  of  the 
Nazirite  as  a  mode  of  cleansing,  Numb.  6:9, 18;  cf.  Acts,  18:18;  21:24;  shaving  of  a  leper 
for  cleansing.  Lev.  1-1:8,9;  13:.S3;  Egyptian  shaving  of  one  coming  to  court.  Gen.  41:14; 
the  shaving  of  Egyptian  priests  mentioned  by  Herodotus,  the  prohibition  in  the  case  of 
Hebrew  priests.  Lev.  19:27;  21:.");  Deut.  21:12;  Ezok.  44:20.  On  general  subjects  see 
A.  R.  S.  Kennedy,  DH.  I,  p.  ->36\  Carslaw,  DB.  Ill,  p.  478. 

'  These  duties  of  .\kkullauu  suggest  the  inventory  clerk,  and  Ezekiel's  familiarity  with 
all  costly  merchandise  (Ezekiel  27  : 1-2')).  Wa.s  Ezokiel  a  priestly  thresht)ld  keeper,  becoming 
in  consequence,  familiar  with  all  kinds  of  articles  likely  to  be  brought  before  a  god  T 

8  We  may  think  of  the  double  axe,  Greek  ire'Aeicu?  as  contrasted  with  the  tiiiintKiKKov, 
now  familiar  from  excavations  of  the  Cretan  Labyrinth,  which  bears  traces  of  Semitic 
influence;  the  double  axe  (or  maco)  in  the  hand  of  I^tHr(?)  on  some  seals  (Ward,  appendix 
G,  to  Curtiss,  PSR.,  fig.  7) ;  the  lance,  as  emblem  of  Ninib,  as  evidenced  by  k  ak  k  ab  Su  kudu, 
kakkab  tarta^u,  and  the  upright  lanco  upon  his  (7)  altar,  DeClercq,  ;}08,  371, 373;  the 
double  trident  (thunderbolt  (1))  in  the  hand  of  Marduk  when  assailing  Tiftmat  in  various 
reliefs  and  seals;  the  bow  of  .VSur  in  reliefs  and  historical  inscriptions  and  O.  T.  reference 
to  worship  of  military  emblems,  Hah.  1 :  16. 


32      Notes  on  Some  Officials  of  the  Sargonid  Period 

or  piece  of  temple  furniture,  is  here  referred  to.  Both  letters 
have  been  translated  by  S.  A.  Smith,  AL.,  and  Delitzsch,  BAS.  I, 
p.  222;  II,  p.  30. 

In  H.  429,  Rm.  69,  translated  by  Van  Gelderen,  BAS.  IV, 
p.  530,  AkkuUanu  is  again  concerned  with  the  decorations  of 
the  temple.  A  golden  tablet,  a  peace  offering  from  the  king, 
is  missing.  Akkullanu  reports  that  it  has  been  seen  in  the 
possession  of  a  jeweller  (?),  and  that  he  will  institute  a  rigid 
examination  of  the  man  before  a  scribe.  That  the  ornament 
came  safely  to  the  temple  from  the  king's  messenger  is  doubted, 
and  this  person  should  be  questioned.  Perhaps  the  same  subject 
is  discussed  in  the  badly  broken  H.  592,  K.  1116.  Of  the  four- 
teen original  lines,  not  one  is  left  entire.  We  can  recognize 
some  reference  to  a  golden  tablet  and  a  jeweller. 

In  H.  47,  K.  979  Akkullanu  announces  libations  and  royal 
sacrifices  at  Tarbisi,  and  asks  the  king  if  he  should  attend  them 
(c/.  RFHarper,  Hebraica,  X,  1894,  p.  196),  adding  that  the 
king  cannot  complain  this  time  of  not  being  duly  notified.  In 
H.  48,  K.  1019,  and  H.  49,  K.  1168,  the  breaks  are  too  serious 
to  allow  any  connected  narrative  ;  both,  however,  may  refer  to 
the  same  subject.  In  H.  48,  Akkullanu  says:  "Regarding  the 
priests  of  the  city  of  Assur(?),  about  whom  the  king  sent  to  me, 
I  will  myself  inquire  of  some  priest  .  .  .  ."  H.  49  is  much  longer, 
and  begins,  after  greetings,  "As  to  that  priest  about  whom  the 
king,  my  lord,  sent  to  me,  he  made  complaint  from  his  heart  three 
times  on  that  day."  The  next  twenty  lines  are  too  fragmentary 
to  yield  any  connected  sense.  About  the  middle  of  the  reverse 
we  find  instructions  for  ritual  on  certain  days;  on  the  tenth  day 
at  noon  a  censer;  on  the  eleventh  and  twelfth,  great  sacrifices 
(nike).  There  follows  a  report  concerning  a  complaint  made  by 
the  priest  of  the  Temple  of  Seven  at  Nineveh,  about  whom  he  had 
sent  word  to  his  lord  the  king.  The  son  of  some  priest  of  the 
Temple  of  Samas  has  been  asked  for;  his  name,  Akkullanu  says, 
is  Zari,  son  of  Nadinapal. 

The  next  letter  of  this  group,  H.  50,  K.  1242,  broken  also, 
refers  to  sacrifices  before  which  Akkullanu  stands.  Sumerian 
ritual  titles  are  discernible,  and  tamarti  of  Sin  and  Samas  are 
mentioned.  HH.  678,  680,  681,  are  too  fragmentary  to  be  of 
value,  but  H.  679,  83-1-18,  61  is  interesting  as  being  a  purely 
astrological     report.      Star    movements   are    discussed    at    some 


The  Assyro-Babylonian  ^""^^TU.biti  33 

length,  though  nearly  half  the  letter  is  broken  away.  We  may 
question  if  the  writer  is  the  same  Akkullanu  as  above.  Bezold 
thinks  there  are  two.  Yet  knowing  the  dominance  of  astrology 
in  Assyrian  thought  and  ritual,  it  would  seem  that  all  the  learned 
classes  and  priestly  authorities  should  have  some  general  knowl- 
edge of  the  subject,  as  it  would  be  impossible  otherwise  for  them 
properly  to  perform  their  daily  functions.  This  is  supported  by 
Thompson's  Rejwrts  of  the  ^logicians  and  Astrologers.  Nos. 
81,  259  are  from  a  rab  dup-sar;  Nos.  100,  266,  from  a  rab 
A.  BA. ;  No.  160  from  a  dup-sar;  No.  58  from  the  rab  A.ZU; 
No.  83,  115F,  183,  243,  from  a  mas-mas.  There  is  a  fair  pre- 
sumption then,  in  favor  of  some  astrological  knowledge  upon  the 
part  of  the  TU.biti.  It  is  practically  confirmed  by  H.  401,  83-1- 
18,  30,  in  which  the  king  writes  to  Zeru'a  and  the  TU.MEg.bIti 
of  Dur-ilu,  that  the  month  Adar  has  an  excess,  and  that  they  must 
adjust  its  calendar.  The  various  astrological  reports  from  Akkul- 
lanu in  Thompson's  collection,  and  the  two  other  similar  reports  in 
HABL,  need  not  then  be  assigned  to  some  other  than  our 
temple  warden,  as  Bezold  conjectures. 

Whatever  we  may  conclude  as  to  the  warden  Akkullanu's  con- 
nection with  astrology,  the  passages  cited  indicate  that  the 
TU.biti  was  a  very  powerful  official.  That  his  position  was  one 
of  great  honor  may  be  fairly  inferred  from  the  case  of  Nabulum- 
imbi,  previously  cited.  A  nisakku,  and  saku  of  Borsippa,  he 
would  have  us  know  that  he  is  also  a  TU.biti  of  Nabu.  Per- 
haps it  is  for  the  purpose  of  maintaining  his  right  to  this  position 
that  he  battles  with  Nabtibelsunu.  Akkullanu's  activities  and 
associations  suggest  high  honors.  We  may  add  from  Nergl.  13, 
"Nabusumukin,  the  TU.biti  of  Nabu  and  satammu"  of  fizida, 
spoke  to  the  king  Neriglissar  thus:  Give  me  Gigltum,  your 
virgin  daughter  to  wife." 

Some  further  texts  must  be  noticed.  In  the  large  inscription 
of  Merodach-baladan  II  one  Ina-kibi-Bel  is  mentioned  as  a 
^azanu.  Is  this  the  person  above  mentioned  as  a  TU.biti  by 
Ibassi-ilu  in  HH.  475,  406?     For  baz&nu  is  a  term  sometimes 

9The  Satammu  kept  the  Sutummn  or  "storehouse,"  to  which  the  TU.biti  con- 
siffned  valuable  property,  and  from  which  the  k6pu  drew  the  supplies  which  ho  loaned  out 
when  handlint;  the  temple  revenues.  Compare  the  S6-tam  bit  u-ua-ti  on  Boundary 
stone  10:5,  col.  IV,  9.  with  the  u-na-a-ti  of  the  temple  in  Note  3.  supra,  and  the  ani^l 
S6-tam  of  the  «  "^^^  T  U  .  bl  t  i  of  Marduk  in  VA.  4.J1  (A'fi.  IV,  p.  172).  The  term  seems 
Babylonian  rather  than  Assyrian.  In  Strassmaier's  contracts  we  sometimes  find  the 
Satammu  furnishini;  urain  and  money  from  the  temple  stores.  He  is  occasionally  men- 
tioned in  connection  with  the  kfipu. 


34      Notes  on  Some  Officials  of  the  Sakgonid  Period 

applied  to  the  TU.biti.  In  H.  65,  K.  629  [JEL.,  p.  153.),  Nabti- 
sumiddin  writes  to  the  mar-sarru.  The  functions  shown  in  the 
letter  are  those  we  have  already  observed.  The  writer  announces 
that  the  temple  of  Nabti  will  be  opened  on  the  third  of  lyyar. 
The  couch  of  the  god  will  be  consecrated  (for  this  ceremony 
see  K.  164,  BAS.  II,  p.  635) ;  the  god  will  return  on  the 
fourth;  sacrifices  are  announced,  and  the  route  of  the  sacred  pro- 
cession is  given.  All  may  enter  the  temple  who  bring  one  ka  of 
food.  The  writer  calls  himself  the  ^azanu  of  the  temple  of 
Nabu.  In  H.  366,  82-5-22,  Nergal-sarrani  writes  of  a  like 
event ;  the  temple  opening  on  the  third  of  the  month  and  the  god 
returning  on  the  fourth  to  the  couch.  The  hazanu's  connection 
with  the  ceremonies  is  noted.  In  H.  419,  83-1-18,  24,  we  have 
a  joint  letter  from  the  sangti  II-u  and  the  hazanu.  In  H.  49, 
83-1-18,  13,  the  hazanu  of  the  temple  is  expected  to  aid  in  stop- 
ping certain  alterations.  The  other  hazanu  passages  in  the 
RFHarper  letters  refer  generally  to  city  officials.  Such  may  be 
observed  in  the  historical  inscriptions  and  in  the  Tell  el  Amarna 
letters  (c/  Zimmern,  ZA.  VI,  248).  Winckler,  AOF.,  246, 
argues  that  the  title  was  originally  that  of  the  prefect  of  a  village 
or  petty  district.  But  the  ideogram  for  hazftnu,  NU.BANDA, 
is  common  in  early  cattle  accounts  in  the  E.  A..  Hoffman  collec- 
tion (Radau,  EBH.).  The  hazanu  there  is  only  a  common  herds- 
man. In  early  Boundary  stones,  II  R.  43,  III  R.  41,  the  hazanu 
is  a  household  officer.  The  inference  is  that  the  word  hazanu  has 
no  restricted  technical  sense;  that  it  is  merely  "overseer"  {ZA. 
VI,  p.  349),  and  can  in  consequence  be  applied  to  various  func- 
tionaries. The  inference  finds  support  in  the  Jewish  use  of  the 
borrowed  term.  Four  hazans  are  distinguished  in  Jewish  literature ; 
(1)  the  hazan,  or  mayor,  of  a  city;  (2)  the  hazan,  or  sheriff  of  a 
court  of  justice;  (3)  the  hazan  of  the  temple  (the  "porter"  of 
1  Chron.  10:26-29)  who  had  charge  of  the  robes,  treasures,  and 
utensils  and  who  aided  the  priests  in  robing  and  disrobing  [cf. 
the  Arabic  hazin,  "treasure-keeper");  and  (4)  the  hazan  of  the 
synagogue,  whose  functions  may  be  regarded  as  a  survival  of 
those  of  the  temple  hazan.  (For  particulars  see,  Jewish  Ency- 
clopcedia,  VI,  pp.  284  sqq.^ 

Considering  the  very  definite  character  of  the  reports  we  have 
examined,  coming  from  the  TU.biti  or  bazanu,  we  may  fairly 
conjecture,  when  we  find  such  reports  of  the  order  of  services 


The  Assyro-Babylonian  ''■"''i  TU.BiTi  35 

coming  from  one  who  does  not  mention  his  office,  that  the  writer 
is  the  official  under  consideration.  Thus  we  may  conclude  that 
Nabupasir  who  writes  H.  134,  K.  1234:,  and  Nabukudurusur,  writer 
of  H.  858,  K.  822,  are  such  officers. 

Compare  with  the  data  so  far  given  the  account  given  by 
Curtiss,  {PSR.,  chap.  XII)  of  the  sacred  classes  in  modern 
Syria,  "In  addition  to  the  care  that  the  minister  takes  of  the 
shrine  he  is  repository  of  such  legends  as  may  exist  with  respect 
to  the  origin  of  the  shrine,  and  the  life  of  the  saint  whose  names 
and  deeds  are  celebrated."     This  suggests  the  Cultustafel. 

In  S^  77,  4,  we  road  of  an  akil  kisallulji,  or  "vakeel  of 
the  anointed  ground."  Perhaps  this  is  the  early  equivalent  of 
TU.blti. 

The  passages  cited  inevitably  raise  the  question,  What  was 
the  relation  of  this  officer  to  the  sangu?  For  we  have  found  a 
sangti  complaining  of  alterations  made  by  a  TU.blti.  Akkul- 
lanu  gives  us  nearly  all  the  information  derivable  from  the  letters 
concerning  the  sangu.  The  latter  appears  the  less  conspicuous 
personage  because  the  matters  treated  do  not  fall  within  the 
range  of  his  official  activity.  He  may  have  been  influential  in 
popular  intrigues,  as  he  is  mentioned  in  two  or  three  reports  of 
governors  and  military  officers,  and  it  was  deemed  advisable  to 
place  two  sons  of  Esarhaddon  in  the  most  powerful  priestly 
offices  of  the  empire.  While  the  TU.biti  clearly  super- 
vises the  general  procedure  within  the  temple,  we  must  not 
conclude  that  the  sangu  had  no  field  of  his  own  in  which  he 
was  final  authority.  We  must  regard  him  as  the  personage 
who  officiated  at  the  great  altar  upon  the  solemn  occasions  when 
the  keen-eyed  and  fully-appareled  TU.biti  stood  in  the  great 
gate  and  carefully  inspected  the  incoming  worshipers.  The  reli- 
gious texts  published  suggest  the  domain  of  the  sangu. 

From  the  evolutionary  standpoint  both  officials  are  certainly 
descended  from  the  primitive  custodian'"  of  the  sacred  shrine, 
the  Arabian  kali  inn,  the  Hebrew  koheu.  The  cuneiform  litera- 
ture affords  some  data  for  the  history  of  their  development. 
Neither  is  known  so  far  in  the  older  inscriptions.  We  have  in 
them  the  term  patesi,  sometimes  translated  "priest-king,"  and 
comparable  with  the  Semitic  sheikh  of  a  petty  district,  who  may 

•oSuch  custodian  appears  on  some  very  early  seals.  Ward.  PSR.,  Appendix  G,  fig.  14i 
gives  a  very  interesting  case:  a  porter  guards  a  two-lea vod  door,  while  a  worshiper  stands 
before  the  god  within. 


36      Notes  on  Some  Officials  of  the  Sargonid  Period 

also  be  the  custodian  of  its  sanctuary.  This  translation  has  been 
fairly  questioned.  Budge  and  King  [AKA.  I,  p.  xvii;  cf.  Jensen, 
KB.  Ill,  1,  66)  would  interpret  its  use  by  early  Assyrian  kings 
as  indicating  their  subjection  to  Babylonian  secular  domina- 
tion. It  may  as  plausibly  be  construed  as  showing  that  there 
was  then  little  religious  difiPerentiation  from  Babylonia;  and 
Lehmann  {BAS.  II,  p.  614)  has  shown  that  the  early  rulers  of 
Shirpurla  use  it  regularly,  whether  they  were  independent  or 
vassals.  Moreover,  in  Assyria  they  are  patesis  of  gods,  not  of 
other  princes.  In  the  IJammurabi  period  the  patesis  are  clearly 
a  sacred  class.  In  LIH.,  42,  we  read  of  one  man  libbi  mftrfi 
bar6,  and  four  libbi  mare  patesi ;  in  LIH.,  17,  we  have  two 
men  libbi  mare  patesi  and  one  libbi  mare  bare.  This  pair- 
ing "the  sons  of  the  seers"  with  "the  sons  of  the  patesis" 
recalls  the  seers  or  "sons  of  the  prophets"  and  "the  priests 
the  Levites"  of  the  O.T.  In  LIH.,  43,  we  learn  of  a  sharp 
protest  made  at  the  drafting  of  a  patesi  for  corv6e  service. 
The  recipient  of  the  letter  is  given  to  understand  that  the 
patesis  are  exempt  from  such  service.  We  must  understand 
this  exemption  to  be  upon  religious  grounds;  we  cannot 
suppose  that  one  secular  governor  had  seized  his  confrere  for 
corvee  service.  Compare  Ezra,  7:24.  In  LIH.,  91  a  sangil 
of  Anunit  is  included  as  one  of  the  patesis  of  Anunit.  This  form 
of  statement  makes  us  think  that  the  sangu  is  appearing  as  a 
subdivision  of  the  patesis.  In  LIH.,  38,  a  patesi  in  the  service 
of  one  officer  wishes  to  be  transferred  to  the  employ  of  another. 
The  king  directs  that  an  exchange  be  effected  and  that  the 
employer  see  that  the  pate  si's  field  is  properly  cultivated  for 
him  (c/.  Nell.  13:  10-13).  This  is  extremely  interesting,  as  sug- 
gesting that  the  patesi  class  was  not  yet  concentrated  at  a  few 
great  temples,  but  that  many  were  household  priests  like  Micah's 
Levite  in  Judges  17.  It  would  also  appear  that  ^ammurabi  is 
endeavoring  to  control  the  distribution  of  the  patesis;  the  LIH. 
letters  show  also  that  he  looked  after  the  temple  revenues.  The 
grouping  of  patesis  with  seers,  bartiti,  by  5ammurabi,  should 
recall  the  references  to  visions  and  a  seer-goddess  by  the  patesi 
Gudea,  Cylinder  A. 

This  same  distribution  of  the  patesi  class  is  shown  us  a  thou- 
sand years  later.  Boundary  stone  No.  105,  III  R.  41,  records  the 
sale  of  a  piece  of  land.     In  the  list  of  curses  we  find  one  that 


The  Assyro-Babylonian  '»'"«' TU.biti  37 

is  unique:  an  imprecation  upon  him  who  shall  ignore  this  deed  of 
sale  and  present  the  land  to  any  god,  or  king,  or  patesi  of  a  king, 
or  patesi  of  a  saknu,  or  patesi  of  a  bit  tSmi.  Remembering 
how  frequently  we  find  the  kings  seizing  lands  and  setting  them 
aside  for  various  temple  servitors,  we  may  suspect  that  patesis,  in 
the  days  of  Marduk-nadinabi,  B.  C.  1115,  were  not  universally 
admired,  and  that  they  were  to  some  extent  household  priests,  as 
the  data  above  would  suggest:  and  that  the  term  in  the  boundary 
stone  is  still  a  general  one  for  shrine  functionaries  of  any  kind. 
Furthermore,  we  find  documents  of  the  later  periods  showing 
sacred  personalities  holding  two  or  three  leading  offices:  as  Nabtl- 
sumimbi,  already  cited,  is  both  nisakku  and  TU.blti.  And  the 
ability  of  a  man  to  establish  his  household  shrine  and  priest  is 
shown  by  documents  like  Bu.  88-5-18,  704,  cited  by  Johns, 
ABLCL.,  p.  223,  in  which  Nur-ilisu  dedicates  to  a  god  one  SAR 
of  land,  and  decrees  that  Pi-sa-Samas  shall  be  its  priest,  Nurilisu 
himself  laying  no  claim  to  the  priesthood.  This  is  an  excellent 
parallel  to  the  case  of  Micah  (cf.  Nbd.  773).  One  or  two  passages 
in  the  religious  texts  may  siipport  this  view  of  the  patesi  as  a 
religious  functionary  instead  of  a  secular  "deputy."  Marduk  is 
the  well-known  masmas  ilani:  the  incantations  of  the  mas  mas 
ila,ni  are  sometimes  called  for:  in  his  name  evil  is  adjured  to 
leave.  But  in  DES.,  p.  168,  "E"  41,  Ea  tells  Marduk,  "perform 
for  him  the  incantation  of  ^^^  pa-te-si-MAQ."  In  DES.,  p.  34, 
"By  '1"  Pa-te-si-GAL.ZU.AB  be  thou  exorcised."  Is  the 
"Great  Puritier,"  Marduk,  the  PATESI. MAS?  The  second 
reference  seems  to  be  to  Ea.  We  may  now  fairly  ask  if  PA, 
TE.SI  is  not  simply  aklu  +  temfinu  +  karnu  (see  Briinnow, 
under  signs)  "the  horned  official  of  the  platform."  On  ancient 
seals  (e.  g.,  Ward,  PSB.,  Appendix  G)  the  priest  wears  a  horned 
cap.  In  the  O.  T.,  and  in  the  cases  considered  by  Evans,  Myce- 
ncran  Tree  and  Pillar  Cult,  the  horns  are  on  the  altar,  or  over 
the  sacred  portal. 

In  Babylonia  the  title  patesi  persists  to  the  end,  the  title 
TU.biti  appearing  as  early  as  the  time  of  the  Cultustafel.  But 
since  the  restoration  described  there  is  "according  to  the  instruc- 
tions of  the  two  TU.blti,"  and  since  this  office  tended,  as  we 
shall  see,  to  be  hereditary,  we  may  fairly  conclude  that  the  office 
existed,  and  that  its  functions  were  fixed  before  the  destruction  of 
the  temple  by  the  Suteans,  several  centuries  earlier.     It  may  even 


38      Notes  on  Some  Officials  of  the  Saegonid  Period 

date  back  to  the  days  of  Hammurabi,  since  we  have  found  the 
sangii  known  at  that  time.  The  TU.biti  appears  in  other 
familiar  documents  of  the  time  of  Nabupaliddin,  to  be  mentioned 
presently  in  connection  with  the  hereditary  character  of  the  office. 

But  in  Assyria  the  title  patesi  soon  disappears.  It  is  claimed 
by  Irisum,  B.  C.  2000,  who  is  called  centuries  later  a  sangu  of 
Asur  (Scheil,  Rec.  Trav.,  XXI,  1900) ;  by  Samsi-Adad  and  Isme- 
Dagan,  B.  C  1850-1800.  Tiglathpileser  I.  accords  these  two  the 
same  title,  VIII,  2,  3.  Pudti-ilu,  B.  0.  1350,  calls  himself 
issakku  of  Asur,  the  equivalent  of  patesi.  Adad-nirari,  his 
son,  calls  himself  issakku  of  Asur  in  one  inscription,  and  sangu 
siru  of  Bel  on  a  stone  tablet;  he  is  in  this  inscription  the  son  of 
Puduilu  the  saknu  of  Bel,  issakku  of  Asur;  grandson  of  Bel- 
nirari  the  sangu  of  Asur,  great-grandson  of  Asur-uballit,  whose 
sangutu  was  glorious.  Can  this  varied  terminology  mean  that 
the  chief  priests  of  different  divinities  originally  bore  different 
titles,  arising  from  the  different  rites  prominent  in  the  cults? 
Sangu  is,  up  to  this  point,  reserved  for  the  servitor  of  Asur  or 
Istar.  Asur-res-isi,  1140  B.  C,  is  sangu  of  Asur,  and  gives  the 
same  title  to  Mutakkil-Nusku  and  Asurdan,  his  predecessors. 
Tiglathpileser  I.  claims  the  office.  Asurnasirpal,  in  his  various 
inscriptions,  is  sangu  of  different  gods;  Asur,  Istar,  Bel,  Ninib, 
and  Nergal  (see  AKA.,  pp.  182,  189,  198,  205,  209;  Annals  I, 
25).  In  K.  868  he  is  isipu  na'du  nibit  Ninib.  Evidently 
he  has  become  "commander  of  the  faithful"  of  all  the  more 
prominent  cults.  The  Sargonids  emphasize  their  sangutu  of 
Istar.  But  Sargon  himself,  evidently  a  religious  reactionary, 
revives  the  phraseology  of  Pudu-ilu  600  years  before.  In  the 
Nimrud  inscription  he  is  saknu  of  Bel,  issakku  of  Asur:  he 
repeats  this  on  numerous  bricks.  This  is  certainly  irreconcilable 
with  the  theory  that  patesi  or  issakku,  when  used  by  an  Assyrian 
king,  implies  his  subjection  to  Babylon.  In  some  of  these  brick 
inscriptions  we  have  his  title  more  fully:  sakan  ^^"Bel,  issakki 
^^^Asur  sakkanak  i^"  Nabu  u  ^^^Marduk.  This  supports 
the  suggestion  that  the  chief  priests  of  certain  gods  may  have  had 
distinctive  religious  titles.  The  sakkanakku  of  Babylon  would 
appear  to  have  been  the  vicegerent  of  Nabu  and  Marduk. 

We  may  wonder  if  these  royal  claims  indicate  functional 
activity,  or  mere  honorary  headship.  We  do  not  hear  of  an 
Assyrian  king  claiming  for  himself  the  honor  of  TU.biti.      He 


The  Assyro-Babylonian  ^'"^'TU.BiTi  39 

would  think  of  himself  as  officiating  at  the  altar  instead  of  "keep- 
ing the  charge  of  the  house."  But  Neriglissar,  placed  on  the 
throne  by  priestly  intrigue,  tells  us  that  he  is  the  son  of  Belsum- 
iskun,  the  wise  prince,  the  perfect  hero,  nftsir  massarti 
fisaggil  u  TIN.TIR.KI.  (Budge,  PSBA.,  1888,  cylinder; 
col.  I,  11-13.)  Is  the  king  boasting  of  his  descent  from  a 
TU.biti  ?  In  Assyria,  did  the  temple  officials,  who,  in  their  let- 
ters, frequently  used  the  phrase:  "We  keep  the  charge  of  the 
king  our  lord,""  think  of  the  king  as  a  sangti  whom  they 
assisted?  Esarhaddon's  favorite  oracle,  we  know,  was  that  of 
Istar  of  Arbela,  sometimes  spoken  of  as  Belit  parsi.  He 
declares  that  Istar  of  Arbela  is  a  goddess,  ra'imat  sangutia. 
In  opening  salutations  Adadsumusur  (and  occasionally  others) 
frequently  writes,  after  greeting  the  king,  a-na  pi-kit-te  sa 
Belit  parsi  sul-mu  a-dan-nis.  Does  he  think  of  the  king 
as  the  great  sangu  of  Istar,  and  therefore  include  in  such  salu- 
tations "  those  who  kept  the  charge  of  the  house  "  of  Istar?  Ques- 
tions like  these  are  natural  in  connection  with  the  subject,  but 
answers  just  now  would  be  premature. 

Reference  has  been  made  to  the  efforts  of  various  kings  to 
guarantee  the  maintenance  of  certain  temple  officials  by  freeing 
certain  lands  or  persons  from  royal  taxation,  the  revenues  being 
instead  devoted  to  the  temple  service,  and  the  produce  of  the 
lands  going  into  the  temple  stores,  when  it  was  more  than  could 
be  immediately  consumed.  The  term  zakku,  "dedicate,"  secures 
this  exemption  from  secular  demands.  The  Chronicler  may  be 
copying  this  scheme  in  2  Chron.  31 :  13-19.  Exemptions  for 
sacred  classes  are  specified  in  Ezra  7:24.  But  the  records  of 
such  royal  grants  raise  the  question  of  heredity,  the  land  so  con- 
secrated being  sometimes  spoken  of  as  previously  consecrated  by 
a  former  king,  and  later  reverting  to  the  royal  domain.  An 
example  may  be  cited  in  K.  4-467,  published  by  Johns,  ADD.,  I, 
714.  Meissner,  MVAG.,  1903,  III,  p.  6  sqq.,  collates  it  with  K. 
1989,  and  83-1-18,  425,  and  Bu.  91-5-9,  193.  Sargon  narrates 
in  this  deed  his  restoration  of  land  originally  set  aside  by  Adad- 
nirftri  to  supply  the  granaries  of  Asur,  Ninety-five  imeru  of 
land  in  the  fields  of  the  city  of  the  TU.biti,  in  the  campus  of 
Nineveh,  are  reconsecrated.     The  land  is  given  in  charge  of  the 

n  The  frequency  of  the  similar  expression  in  the  Old  Testament  should  be  noticed :  Gen. 
26:5;  Exod.  6:13;  Numb.  9:19;  27 :28;  1  Chron.  9:27;  2  Chron.  8:14. 


40      Notes  on  Some  Officials  of  the  Sargonid  Period 

sons  of  former  temple  servitors.  Fifteen  imeru  of  ground  are 
set  aside  for  the  rab  akale,  "like  the  field  of  the  city  of  the 
TU.biti — with  the  field  of  the  governor  of  Dur-Sarrukm  I 
counted  it — fifteen  I  thus  consecrated."  This  placing  of  the  lands 
of  the  temple  servitors  upon  the  same  footing  as  the  land  of  the 
governor  should  be  compared  with  Ezekiel's  land  system,  45:1-8, 
and  endowed  state  offices  in  the  ^arran  census. 

Since  the  benefice  is  given  to  the  descendants  of  former  bene- 
ficiaries, and  the  TU.biti  are  spoken  of  as  though  owning  or 
dwelling  in  a  city,  or  definite  territory,  and  since  Akkullanu,  in 
H.  43,  speaking  of  a  deposed  priest,  then  dead,  recommends  his 
son  for  the  vacancy,  the  fact  of  heredity  in  sacred  offices,  and 
the  existence  of  Levitical  cities,  is  clearly  shown. '^  In  this  con- 
nection we  have  some  interesting  matter.  VA.  208  of  the  Berlin 
Museum  {KB.  IV,  p.  94)  is  from  the  22d  year  of  Nabupaliddin. 
In  it  Beliddin,  son  of  Nabti-zer-iddin,  the  TU.biti  of  ^^^  La-ga- 
ma-al  and  saku  of  Dilbat  deeds  to  his  second  son  his  right  to 
the  entrance  fees  of  flesh  of  different  kinds.  In  another  docu- 
ment, much  damaged,  from  the  20th  year  of  Nabupaliddin, 
we  find  Nabupaliddin,  son  of  Abua,  grandson  of  Akar-Nabu, 
the  TU.biti,  complaining  that  he  has  received  but  part  of 
the  land  held  by  his  fathers.  His  petition  in  the  case  is 
granted  {KB.  IV,  p.  92).  A  very  interesting  case  of  transfer 
appears  centuries  later.  It  suggests  that  the  hereditary  line 
of  temple  wardens  may  have  been  threatened  with  extinction. 
A  TU.biti  adopts  a  son,  and  transfers  to  him  a  right  to  6  ka 
of  food  and  6  ka  of  drink,  a  fourth  interest  (zittu)  in  the 
flesh  of  offered  oxen,  and  an  interest  in  the  table  of  the  god 
(zitti  passuri).  This  document  is  dated  in  the  first  year  of 
Barzia  (VA.  Th.  123,  124;  KB.  IV,  p.  296).  We  should  not 
infer  that  the  entire  TU.bit-u-tu  is  transferred  by  this  docu- 
ment, for  we  have  another,  showing  partial  sale.  It  comes  from 
Uruk,  from  the  time  of  the  Seleucidae,  {KB.  IV  p.  313).  The 
seller  holds  the  TU.bit-u-tu  of  Bel,  or  at  least  a  one-sixth 
interest  in  it.  He  sells  for  one  mina  five  shekels  of  silver  "one- 
sixth  of  the  day"  upon  the  16th,  17th,  and  18th  days,  forever, 
with  all  right  to  the  purchaser  to  do  as  the  seller  would  have  done, 
with  the  receipts  of  the  "sixth  of  the  day."     As  the  document  is 

i2This  question  of  the  city  I  discuss  in  "The  Semitic  City  of  Refuge,"  Monist,  October, 
1905. 


The  Assyro-Babylonian  """^itU.biti  41 

dated  the  27tli  of  Nisaii,  and  no  month  is  named  in  connection 
with  "the  16th,  17th,  and  18th  days,"  we  may  infer  that  those  days 
of  each  month  are  implied.  Comparing  this  with  the  announce- 
ment of  Nabusumiddin,  ah-eady  noticed,  H.  65,  K.  629  that  the 
entrance  fee  upon  the  festal  day  will  be  one  ka  of  food,  we  may 
perceive  how  very  protitable  the  wardenship  of  a  large  temple 
might  be.  The  document  just  cited  is  one  of  the  earliest  cases 
of  simony  or  speculating  in  pew-rents  on  record.  But  though 
heredity  in  sacred  offices  is  shown  by  the  documents  cited,  they 
also  show  that  it  was  subject  to  modifications,  as  in  Palestine. 
The  above  transfers  of  TU.  bit-u-tu  may  be  compared  with  trans- 
fers of  other  sacred  offices.  Thus,  in  the  fourteenth  year  of 
Nabuna'id,  84-2-11,  61,  ABR.  II,  p.  20,  Nabubalatsuikbi 
bequeaths  to  one  son  the  "dagger-bearership"  (GIR.  L  AL-u-tu) 
or  position  of  official  slaughterer  in  the  temple  of  Esarra,  and  to 
another  son  the  income  of  the  shrine  of  Papsukal  in  the  temple  of 
Belit-same-ersiti.  In  MAP.  41,  we  find  in  the  days  of  Rim-Sim 
a  suit  involving  the  right  to  five  days  in  the  year  in  the  temple  of 
Nannar,  sixteen  in  the  temple  of  Belit,  and  eight  in  the  shrine 
of  Gula.  In  Bu.  91-5-9,  2175  A  is  discussed  the  right  to  act  as 
satammu,  for  six  days  in  the  month,  in  the  temple  of  Samas. 
And  such  priestly  offices  could  be  held  by  women,  or  transferred 
to  them:  the  "dagger-bearership"  above  mentioned  Nabu-balatsu- 
ikbi  states  he  had'  formerly  assigned  to  his  mother.  We  may 
conjecture  that  during  her  tenure  of  the  benefice  a  hireling  per- 
formed the  work.  Such  rights  to  temple  receipts  on  certain  days 
may  lie  behind  the  rotation  service  of  the  Levites  in  the  Chroni- 
cler's scheme. 


THE    ESARHADDON    SUCCESSION. 

In  the  preceding  index  the  term  mar-sarrii  was  not  included, 
as  it  was  not  considered  to  need  special  explanation.  But  a  care- 
ful examination  of  the  numerous  occurrences  of  the  term  suggested 
important  bearings  upon  a  mooted  historical  question.  Perhaps 
this  Sargonid  title  had  in  the  later  period  a  significance  which  it 
did  not  have  in  the  earlier.  In  its  technical  sense  it  is  considered 
a  compound  noun.  That  it  has  such  special  or  restricted 
sense  when  used  incidentally  or  in  formulae  of  salutation,  must 
be  conceded  for  the  sake  of  intelligibility.  To  translate  "Peace 
to  the  king  my  lord:  peace  to  a  son  of  the  king,"  when  the  king 
has  several  sons,  would  be  too  indefinite.  It  must  be  that  "  the 
king's  son"  kut  i^o^v^  (Johns,  ADD.  II,  p.  182,  "crown  prince;" 
cf.  Lehmann,  ^amassumukin  II,  p.  108)  is  meant  by  mar- 
sarru  in  such  salutations. 

In  H.  3,  K.  492,  and  H.  365,  Bu.  91-5-9,  141,  Adadsumusur 
mentions  one  mar-sarru,  without  qualifying  additions.  Nabti- 
sumiddin,  of  the  same  period  {JEL.,  pp.  131,  153),  writes  in  H. 
65,  K.  629  to  the  mar-sarru.  At  a  later  time,  in  H.  66,  K. 
1017,  he  knows  of  two  princes  of  such  rank,  with  distinctive 
qualifying  epithets.  Nabiirabiahe  in  H.  175,  K.  614,  writes  to 
the  mar-sarru  concerning  the  shortcomings  of  the  Sidonians. 
This  suggests  Esarhaddon's  reign.  Isdi-Nabu,  H.  187,  K.  589, 
and  H.  189,  K.  1048,  addresses  letters  to  the  mar-sarru.  He  is 
probably  to  be  assigned  to  the  reign  of  Esarhaddon  [cf.  J  EL., 
p.  156).  In  H.  108,  K.  519,  Arad-Nana,  court-physician  of  Esar- 
haddon's time,  writes  in  his  salutations,  sulmu  adannis  ana 
mar-sarri.  Winckler's  theory  {AOF.  II,  p.  185)  that  Asur- 
mukinpale'a  is  meant  here,  because  that  prince  is  mentioned  by 
name  by  Arad-Nana  in  H.  109,  K.  532,  can  hardly  be  accepted ; 
the  reason  is  insufficient.  There  is  no  evidence  that  Asurmukln- 
pale'a  was  ever  crown  prince.  Winckler  does  not  seem  to  recog- 
nize any  technical  sense  for  mar-sarru,  nor  the  fact  that  it  is 
specifically  applied  to  two  princes  who  are  also  called  by  name, 

42 


>^      or 


I    UNiV 

The  Esarhaddon  Succession  43 

while  the  other  sons  of  Esarhaddon  are  mentioned  by  name  only. 
The  niceties  of  Assyrian  official  etiquette  must  be  given  due  con- 
sideration. In  H.  430,  Rm.  72,  we  have  a  brief  letter  written 
by  a  mar-sarru.  It  does  not  seem  to  occur  to  him  that  any 
confusion  would  result.  Surely  no  other  son  of  the  king  could  write 
as  mar-sarru.  In  H.  152,  K.  1101+ K.  1221,  Sarruna'id  com- 
plains to  the  mftr-sarru  that  his  property  has  been  seized  by 
one  who  is  neither  the  king's  agent  nor  the  agent  of  the  mar- 
sarru.  In  H.  404,  81-2-4,  62  the  welfare  of  the  mar-sarru 
and  his  brothers  is  prayed  for;  compare  like  expressions  for 
Asurbanipal  and  his  brothers  in  H.  453,  K,  948.  In  H.  614,  K. 
1152,  some  one  is  asserted  to  be  called  by  Sin  and  Samas 
a  -  n  a    m  a  r  -  s  a  r  r  u  -  u  - 1  e    "^  '^  *  A  s  s  u  r . 

A  number  of  these  citations  belong  indisputably  to  the  reign 
of  Esarhaddon.  We  have  evidence,  then,  that  for  some  time 
during  that  reign  one  son  of  the  king,  and  but  one,  held  the 
official  rank  of  mar-sarru. 

Does  mar-sarru,  or  mar-sarru  rabu,  as  "crown  prince," 
designate  the  eldest  son  of  the  king,  as  some  translate  (c.  g. 
Johnston,  JAOS.  XX,  p.  248;  cf.  contra,  Lehmann,  Samfissum- 
ukln,  II,  p.  108),  or  does  rabu  imply  precedence  rather  than 
seniority  ?  Sennacherib's  name  is  suspected  to  refer  to  his  being  a 
younger  son;  yet  5unnl  in  H.  216,  K.  1062,  says,  "Peace  to 
Sennacherib,  the  mar-sarru  rabu,  peace  to  the  mar6  sarri." 
Meissner  in  MVAG.,  1904,  pp.  181-84,  and  Johnston,  JAOS. 
XXV,  pp.  79  sqq.,  discuss  H.  870,  82-5-22,  107.  That  letter,  as 
they  recognize,  shows  that  Samassumukin,  not  Asurbanipal,  was 
the  eldest  living  son  of  Esarhaddon,  it  being  agreed  that  these 
two  princes  are  referred  to.  Yet  Samassumukin,  we  shall  see, 
was  not  mar-sarru  rabu.  The  seniority  of  Samassumukin 
is  also  suggested  by  a  boundary-stone  inscription  dating  from 
the  reign  of  Samassumukin,  published  by  Winckler,  AOF.  I, 
pp.  498  sqq.  The  broken  beginning  speaks  of  maru  restu  sa 
Asur-nlj-iddin  sarru  dannu  sar  kissati  sar  "'^''Assur, 
sar  kal  sarrani  sakkanak  TIN.  TIR.ki  sar  la  sanan  ab<i 
talimu  sa  Asur-bani-apli  sar  kissati  sar  '"^^Assiir.  The 
name  of  Samassumukin  as  the  king  referred  to  occurs  two  or 
three  times  in  the  body  of  the  inscription.  With  the  seniority  of 
Samassumukin  declared,  we  must  probably  regard  talimu  as 
signifying  equality  in  rank  instead  of  age. 


44      Notes  on  Some  Officials  of  the  Sargonid  Period 

The  courtly  letter  above  cited  protests  against  a  proposed 
division  of  authority.  Some  one  speaks  in  behalf  of  the  desig- 
nated prince  of  Asstir  against  the  proposal  to  place  the  eldest  son 
upon  the  throne  of  Babylon.  The  style  suggests  Adadsum- 
usur;  and  this  may  find  support  in  H.  594,  K.  1118  (not  quite 
understood,  I  think,  by  Behrens,  ABB.,  p.  25).  This  latter  let- 
ter shows  that  the  king  is  angry  at  some  reported  remark  of  the 
old  courtier  upon  the  proposed  relative  standing  of  the  mar- 
sarru  and  Samassumukin,  and  orders  a  ban  upon  him.  This 
letter  settles,  it  would  seem,  which  son  of  Esarhaddon  was  sole 
mar-sarru  for  a  time,  as  suggested  by  the  first  paragraph  of 
this  discussion.  It  was  not  Samassumukin,  as  Winckler  con- 
jectures, AOF.  I,  415  sqq.,  quoted  by  Johnston,  JAOS.,  1904, 
p.  81,  where  he  adds,  "If  Samassumukin  were  the  eldest  son  of 
Esarhaddon,  he  would  be  the  natural  heir  to  the  throne."  But 
letters  like  H.  24,  H.  439,  H.  594,  H.  740,  mention  one  son  of 
Esarhaddon  as  a  mar-larru,  and  another  as  merely  Samassu- 
mukin.  The  conjectures  mentioned  then  fall  to  the  ground. 
Yet  Winckler  may  be  correct  in  connecting  the  disturbances  in 
the  last  year  of  Esarhaddon's  reign  with  the  arrangement  for  the 
succession.  That  Samassumukin's  dignity  was  an  afterthought, 
growing  out  of  the  Babylonian  problem,  seems  then  to  be  the 
fact.  That  Asurbanipal  was  originally  sole  mar-sarru  has 
several  other  supports.  In  I.R.,  IV,  85,  we  have  a  tablet  stating 
that  a  certain  palace  was  built  kirib  '^^'^Tarbisi  ana  musab 
Asurbanipal  mar-sarru  la  bit-riduti.  Remembering  that 
the  great  assembly  in  the  month  lyyar,  proclaiming  the  co- 
ordinate princes,  was  held  upon  the  eve  of  Esarhaddon's  last 
expedition  to  Egypt,  and  that  he  died  upon  the  road,  it  is 
extremely  improbable  that  any  palaces  were  planned  or  built  in 
that  brief  interim.  Had  such  been  built,  at  that  late  period  of 
his  reign,  Assyrian  royal  idiosyncrasies  would  lead  us  to  expect 
Aiurbanipal's  claiming  to  be  the  builder.  This  palace  for  the 
"crown  prince"  must  belong  to  an  earlier  period,  when  Samassum- 
ukin  was  not  yet  designated  as  a  mar-sarru,  Asurbanipal  is 
also  called  "the  son  of  my  heart,"  or  favorite  son,  in  this  inscrip- 
tion. 

But  how  shall  we  understand  Knudtzon  107,  in  which  Esar- 
haddon inquires  concerning  the  installation  of  Siniddinapal  as 
crown  prince  ?     As  we  do  not  hear  of  him  elsewhere,  Knudtzon's 


The  Esarhaddon  Succession  45 

supposition  is  most  plausible,  that  Siniddinapal,  Esarbaddon's 
first  choice  for  successor,  soon  died,  and  the  honor  was  then 
bestowed  upon  Asurbanipal.  This  may  be  supported  by  the  fact 
that  in  Kn.  66,  67,  Asurbanipal  is  merely  "son  of  Esarhaddon 
king  of  Assyria;"  in  all  other  cases  in  which  he  is  associated  with 
Esarhaddon  in  these  oracles,  he  is  mftr-sarru  sa  bit  riduti. 
He  did  not  have  this  honor  from  the  very  beginning. 

Comparing  H.  594,  K.  1118,  H.  117,  K.  999,  H.  118,  K.  1026, 
H.  656,  82-5-22,  168,  and  H.  34,  K.  981,  we  find  protests  from 
Adadsumusur  and  his  friends  that  he  did  not  say  what  he  has 
been  charged  with  saying.  Notice  especially  the  third  and  fourth. 
We  observe  in  these  also  an  effective  reconciliation,  and  assur- 
ances that  Adadsumusur  and  Arad-Gula  will  oSiciate,  will  share 
in  the  kannu  ceremony(?)  (ka-an-ni  a-bi-is  ni-za-az),  and 
that  they  will  support  the  proposed  regime,  (Does  this  word 
kannu  in  these  letters  mean  "installation"  or  "ordination,"  from 
which  "jurisdiction"  or  "province,"  an  apparent  meaning  in 
other  passages,  may  well  be  derivative?  Compare  H.  409,  Rm. 
2,2,  obv.  10:  «™^i  bel  pabati  sa  ka-ni  •"^*  U-ka-a-a:  k6- 
pftni  sa  ka-ni,  Knudtzon  107,  obv.  4:  kepftni  sa  ka-an-ni, 
Kn.  109,  obv.  7:  rab  alani  sa  ka-ni,  H.  252,  K.  525,  obv.  8: 
and  a  letter  of  Istarsumeres  on  this  subject,  H.  670,  K.  12,  rev.  7, 
a-na  ka-an-ni  lu  se-si-u:  rev.  9,  ki-ma  sarri  a-na  ka- 
an-ni  il-tu-si.  Perhaps  derivative  from  kanti,  "reed."  So 
SAS.,  Ahp.,  Ill,  p.  30.  In  various  bas-reliefs  we  may  see  the 
king  handing  a  reed  to  some  one  as  token  of  a  commission.)' 

The  22d  of  Tisrit  may  have  been  a  day  by  which  the  nobles 
should  recognize  the  proposed  arrangements  for  the  succession. 
References  to  tun  XXII  kam^  timu  anniu  recur  in  the  letters 
cited  above.  In  H.  740,  83-1-18,  26  Ikkaru  greets  the  king;  upon 
the  reverse  he  adds  a  hearty  greeting  to  Samassumukin,  and  also 
refers  to  that  22d  day.  In  H.  34,  K.  981,  Istarsumeres,  a  close 
friend  of  Adadsumusur,  says,  "My  lord  the  king,  from  his  heart 
he  did  not  speak  about  it."  It  may  be  that  he  refers  to  the  above- 
mentioned  charge  against  his  friend. 

With  Asurbilnipal  already  generally  known  as  a  mftr-sarru 
and  Samassumukin  announced  for  the  like  dignity,  we  have  some 
interesting  correspondence,  possibly  upon  the  solemn  prepara- 
tions for  the  great  occasion.      H.  24,  K.  626  gives  directions  for 

1  See  also  Johns,  ADD,  II,  p.  124,  and  further  discussion  in  connection  with  the  SalSu. 


46      Notes  on  Some  Officials  of  the  Sargonid  Period 

certain  ceremonies  for  averting  evil  from  the  mar-sarru  and 
Samassumukin,  it  would  seem;  while  H.  23,  K.  602  tells  of 
prayers  and  ceremonies  carefully  performed,  of  purifications  and 
propitiations  already  complete,  on  behalf  of  the  mar-sarru,  and 
the  mar-sarru  of  Babylon.  Samassumukin  has  now  his  new 
title,  it  appears.  Marduksakinsum,  the  author  of  these  two 
letters,  also  mentions  the  mar-sarru,  Arad-Gula,  Nabusumiddin, 
Nabumuduti,  and  the  observances  for  the  month  Ab,  in  H.  17, 
K.  472,  H.  18,  K.  490.  These  all  are  mentioned  in  the  preced- 
ing letters  cited,  and  these  two  fragments  may  then  deal  with  the 
same  matters.     Possibly  H.  25,  K.  639  does  also. 

Other  letters  refer  to  the  status  of  the  two  brothers.  In  H. 
434,  Bu.  89-4-26,  163,  Asurukin  salutes  the  king,  the  mar-sarru 
of  Assur,  and  the  mar-sarru  of  Babylon.  In  rev.  22  he  speaks 
of  some  one  suspected  of  conspiracy,  brought  before  the  mar- 
sarru  for  examination.  The  mar-sarru  evidently  had  some 
executive  pre-eminence  over  the  mar-sarru  of  Babylon.  The 
broken  H.  439,  K.  432,  7ff.  greets  Samassumukln,  and  refers  to 
ceremonies  performed  before  Ninkigal  for  the  mar-sarru,  but 
not  as  yet  for  Samassumukln.  In  H.  654,  82-5-22,  103  Adad- 
sumusur  addresses  the  mar-sarru  rabti,  calling  him  also  mar- 
sar  kissat  matati,  and  mar-sar  matati  three  times.  The 
old  courtier  certainly  suggests  that  there  is  now  more  than  one 
mar-sarru,  as  contrasted  with  the  state  of  affairs  at  the  time  he 
wrote  H.  3  and  H.  365 ;  he  is  explicit  as  to  the  one  now  addressed. 
Even  more  interesting  is  his  misplaced  adjective,  added  as  an 
afterthought  in  H.  10,  K.  641:  ....  a-na  mar-sar  ™^* As- 
sur rabe  beli'a.  One  would  suppose  the  necessity  for  the  dis- 
tinction was  new.  In  H.  658,  83-1-18,  81,  he  writes  concerning 
the  sickness  of  Astir-etil-same-irsiti-uballitsu,  and  mentions  also 
the  mar-sarru  sa  kutalli — a  variation  of  mar-sarru  sa 
bit-riduti.  The  sick  prince,  like  Asnrmukinpale'a,  previously 
mentioned,  has  no  title,  though  a  son  of  the  king.  The  titled 
prince,  we  have  already  seen,  is  Asurbanipal,  in  the  opinion  of 
Adadsumusur. 

We  may  refer  here  to  letters  like  HH.  33,  202,  384,  386,  con- 
cerning the  taking  of  the  ade  by  officials  and  various  towns.  As 
they  come  to  some  extent  from  this  same  group  of  writers,  and  as 
Asurbanipal  declares  solemn  oaths  were  taken  before  his  father's 
death,  there  is  ground  for  believing  that  these  le-tters  may  be  con- 


The  Esarhaddon  Succession  47 

nected  with  the  great  event  discussed.  The  data  so  fnr  [)re8ented 
give  a  very  consistent  story  of  the  plan  for  the  succession.  The 
months  named  and  the  events,  compel  us  to  place  the  publication 
of  the  king's  later  intentions  at  least  as  early  as  the  year  preced- 
ing the  great  assembly  in  the  month  lyyar.  We  evidently  have 
not  a  complete  statement  from  Asurbanipal  as  to  the  object  of 
that  assembly.  The  nobles  killed  with  the  sword  in  the  last 
year  of  Esarhaddon  may  have  been  those  who  refused  to  recog- 
nize the  new  honors  of  Samassumukin. 

That  the  mention  of  a  mftr-sarru  and  a  mfi,r-sarru  of 
Babylon  is  not  intended  to  include  all  Esarhaddon's  family  we 
know  from  the  mention  of  untitled  members,  already  noticed. 
We  may  add  Arad-Nabii's  letter,  H.  113,  K.  501,  which  on  the 
reverse  speaks  of  ''nike  la  Asnrbani-apli  mar-sarru  rabu- 
u,  'sa  Samassumukin  mar-sar  Babili  ^sa  Seru'a-eterat 
''la  Asur-mukin-pale-ia,  '"la  Sar-sam6-irsiti-uballitsu. 
Samalmituballit  is  not  mentioned,  unless  we  could  prove  that 
the  last  prince  in  the  letter  is  he.  This  I  think  improbable,  but  the 
name  of  the  last  prince  is  certainly  the  same  as  Asur-etil-lame- 
irsiti-uballitsu,  already  mentioned.  The  view  of  Johns,  ABLCL., 
p.  375,  that  the  list  gives  the  order  of  seniority  in  Esarhaddon's 
family  cannot  be  maintained.  We  have  seen  that  Asurbanipal, 
called  in  this  letter  the  m^r-larru  rabu,  was  not  the  eldest  son. 
Winckler's  theory,  AOF.  II,  p.  183,  that  the  last  prince  in  this 
letter  is  Esarhaddon  himself,  is  very  curious.  It  would  require 
us  to  believe  that  the  punctilious  Arad-Nabu  disregarded  here  in 
a  letter  to  the  king  the  precedence  due  to  him ;  the  first  law  of 
official  etiquette.  Quite  as  curious  is  his  theory  that  Asur-etil- 
ilani-uklnni  in  H.  870  is  also  Esarhaddon.  A  princess  named 
Seru'a-eterat  occurs  in  each ;  that  is  the  only  proof  offered.  He 
does  not  try  to  prove  the  two  princesses  to  be  one  and  the  same 
save  by  the  other  assumption. 

Perhaps  the  problem  of  precedence  occurred  to  Winckler,  and 
produced  his  theory  of  a  semi-abdication  on  the  part  of  Esar- 
haddon, wherein  the  king  retained  the  title  sar-killati  and 
made  Alurbftnipal  sar  Assiir.  Neither  bears  such  title  in  the 
letters  just  discussed;  and  we  have  seen  that  the  varied  official 
correspondence  does  not  call  Asurbftnipal  the  sar  Assur  after 
the  great  ceremony,  but  the  ma,r-sarru  rabu.  We  would  also 
have  Sfiru'a-Sterat  and  Asur-mukln-pale-ia  taking  precedence  of 


48      Notes  on  Some  Officials  of  the  Saegonid  Period 

Winckler's  theoretical  sar  kissati  in  the  letter  that  troubles 
him.  Winckler,  AOF.  II,  p.  186,  bases  his  theory  upon  a  letter 
of  Nabtinadinsum,  H,  54,  K,  476,  to  the  marat-sarri,  in  which 
the  king  is  called  sar  kissati.  beli'a.  No  proof  is  ofiPered  that 
the  letter  is  written  to  Esarhaddon's  daughter.  Even  if  it  were, 
Winckler  would  have  to  prove  that  it  was  written  in  the  last 
weeks  of  Esarhaddon's  reign,  and  his  theory  would  still  be 
unestablished.  For  we  should  ask  if  the  usage  of  the  term  sar 
kissati  in  the  letters  supports  the  limited  construction  Winckler 
would  here  put  upon  it. 

The  TIK.EN.NA  in  H.  542,  K.  114  addresses  Sargon  as 
sar  kissati  beli'a.  Would  Winckler  say  Sargon  was  no  longer 
king  of  Assur?  Asurbanipal  is  addressed  as  sar  matati  in  H. 
266,  K.  78,  and  H.  269,  K.  528,  though  he  had  a  colleague  at 
Babylon.  Apia,  writing  to  the  queen  mother,  in  H.  324,  K.  523, 
calls  the  king  sar  matati.  Belibni  prefers  bel  sarrani  beli'a. 
Apia,  in  H.  326,  K.  1249,  uses  both  sar  kissati  and  sar 
matati;  evidently  of  Esarhaddon.  Kudurru  prefers  sar  matati. 
Adadsumusur  varies;  he  uses  sarru  bel  matati  in  H.  5,  K. 
583.  Nabu-ukin,  H.  750,  83-1-18  280,  says  ana  sar  sarrani. 
Marduk,  H.  808,  Bu.,  91-5-9,  113,  uses  sar  matati  and  bel  sar- 
rani. These  are  amply  illustrative.  A  subject  must  recognize 
the  king  as  a  king,  and  as  his  lord;  additional  epitheta  ornantia 
aim  at  broad  compliment,  not  at  precision.  The  semi-abdication 
of  Esarhaddon  and  a  territorial  division  of  authority  is  not  sup- 
ported by  the  single  sar  kissati  from  which  Winckler  derives  it. 

Nor  can  we  accept  Winckler's  theory  that  ahu  rabu  was  used 
to  designate  a  brother  whom  the  king  had  chosen  as  his  successor. 
In  AOF.  II,  p.  185,  he  advances  such  a  theory  with  regard  to 
the  two  sons  of  Esarhaddon,  mentioned  in  L^  12,  13,  and  refers 
to  K.  581;  but  K.  581  as  published  by  Harper,  331,  contains  no 
reference  to  the  matter.  Asurbanipal's  statement  in  L^  12,  13,  is 
that  he  "shaved"  (see  TU.biti  excursus,  p.  45)  Asur-etil-sam6- 
irsiti-uballit-su  as  the  urigallu  of  Sin  at  ^arran,  Asur-mukln- 
pale-ia  as  urigallu  at  (Asur?)  cf.  Sargon  cyl.  5,  6,  B.nd  HWB., 
p.  129,  and  "■The  Semitic  City  of  Refuge,'^^  Monist,  October,  1905. 
Johns  ABLCL.,  p.  366,  places  him  at  5arran,  perhaps  a  confusion 
with  his  brother ;  he  does  not  give  the  document  for  the  statement. 
These  two  princes,  frequently  named  in  the  letters,  are  not 
accorded  any  title  in  them.     Winckler,  for  the  sake  of  variation. 


The  Esarhaddon  Succession  49 

abandons  nrigalln  in  the  cited  passage  (c/.  Brtlnnow  6452, 
and  HWB.)  for  abu  rabu,  though  the  two  princes  are  respec- 
tively called  ahu  kuddinnu,  and  abu  sihrn  in  the  same  lines. 
Samassnmukin  applies  the  same  terms  to  them  (c/.  Lehmann, 
S(nn(issumukin  p.  30).  H.  370,  81-2-4,  49,  may  refer  to  this 
elevation  to  the  rank  of  "Great  Protector."  There  does  not 
seem  to  me  any  real  support  for  the  theory  that  an  abu  rabti 
might  be  an  alternative  for  a  mftr-sarru  rabu.  To  Winckler's 
interpretation  is  the  further  objection  that  it  makes  Asurbanipal 
plan  a  divided  authority  to  succeed  himself  after  he  had  himself 
objected  to  such  a  measure.  Moreover,  we  would  conclude  there 
was  despair  of  direct  succession,  and  that  this  record  was  late  in 
the  reign  of  Asurbanipal.  The  evidence  does  not  support  either 
conclusion. 

The  actual  order  of  events  in  bringing  Samassnmukin  to  regal 
dignity  and  possil)Ie  co-equality  with  Asurbftnipal  seems  fairly 
established  as  against  theories  hitherto  offered  [also  contra  Hom- 
mel,  DB.,  p.  169).  What  were  the  intentions  of  Esarhaddon  with 
regard  to  the  exact  extent  of  the  authority  of  each  ?'"'  Some  light 
may  be  gained  by  further  consideration  of  the  requirements  of 
oriental  diplomatic  etiquette. 

Taking  up  the  Tel-el-Amarna  letters  in  the  British  Museum, 
as  published  by  Bezold,  we  find  No.  1  beginning  "To  Kallimma- 
Sin,  king  of  Karadunias,  my  brother,  thus  saith  Amenophis,  the 
great  King,  king  of  Egypt,  thy  brother."  No.  2  begins,  "To 
Nibmuaria,  king  of  Egypt  ....  thus  saith  Burraburias,  king 
of  Karadunias,  thy  brother."  Nos.  5,  6,  7,  "To  the  king  of 
Egypt,  his  brother,  thus  says  the  king  of  Alasiya,  his  brother." 
No.  8  is  especially  to  the  point:  "To  Nimmuaria,  the  great  king, 
king  of  Egypt,  my  brother,  my  son-in-law,  who  loveth  me,  whom 
I  love,  thus  saith  Tusratta,  the  great  king,  thy  father-in-law,  who 
loveth  thee,  the  king  of  Mitanni,  thy  brother."  Nos.  9,  10,  11, 
show  like  forms  of  address. 

Delattre,  FSBA.,  1891,  539  ff.,  treats  some  of  the  Berlin  col- 
lection of  Tel-el-Amarna  letters,  as  published  by  Winckler.     In 

2Tiele,  Bah.  Assyr.  Gexch.,  pp.  .V)l,  ^9.  .371,  makes  ASurbftnipal  a  viceroy,  about  671  B.C 
Hommel,  Gesch.  Biih.  und  Assyr.,  p.  694,  takes  the  same  view,  bnt  dates  the  event  669  R.  C. 
E.  Meyer,  Geschichte  Alterthums,  I,  p.  447,  makes  SamaSSumukln  and  ASurbftDipal  to  bo 
crowned  almost  simultaneously,  both  owinp  their  elevation  to  their  father.  Lehmann, 
Samni.iuinii.kln.  pp.  .33,  sqq.,  holds  a  similar  view;  cf.  Maspero,  Parting  of  Empires,  p.  381. 
Knudtzon,  Gehete  an  den  Sonnen-Gott,  p.  220,  does  not  believe  Esarhaddon  ever  thought  of 
setting  ASurbftnipal  aside  for  SamaSdumukin. 


50      Notes  on  Some  Officials  of  the  Sargonid  Period 

No.  18,  the  king  of  the  Hittites  addresses  the  king  of  Egypt  six 
times  as  "my  brother."  In  No.  32,  Tusratta,  king  of  Mitanni, 
uses  the  term  "my  brother"  thirty-two  times  of  the  king  of 
Egypt.  The  king  of  Alasiya  uses  the  appellation  twenty-five 
times  of  the  king  of  Egypt.  The  Aziru  letters  are  published  by 
Delattre,  PSBA.,  1891,  pp.  215  ff.  Letter  No.  11  begins  '"ana 
Dudu  beli'a  abi'a  "umma  Azirii  maruka  arduka  ^ana  sepi 
abi'a  amkut."  So  also  No.  38.  Compare  in  O.  T.,  Gen.  32, 
17,  18;  33,  5,  8,  9,  13,  14;  1  Kings,  9,  13;  2  Kings  16,  7.  Par- 
ticularly interesting  is  the  way  in  which  the  king  of  Israel  was 
tricked  out  of  the  fruits  of  his  victory  over  Syria  by  the  quick- 
witted Syrians'  claiming  the  acknowledgment  of  their  king  as  a 
"brother"  (1  Kings  20,  32  ff.)  instead  of  a  "servant,"  or  "son." 
So  also  two  suppliants  in  LIH.  48  speak  of  the  governor  as  "our 
father." 

The  examples  show  that  diplomatic  correspondence  required 
the  acknowledgment  of  equality  or  independence  where  it  existed. 
Equal  precision  was  to  be  used  in  defining  the  reverse  relations. 
"Brother"  or  "sister,"  in  such  correspondence,  implies  something 
like  "peer."  Where  family  relationships  existed,  these  were 
specified ;  the  relative  rank  was  still  carefully  defined,  as  in 
the  Tusratta  letters.  "Father"  in  such  addresses  might  mean 
acknowledgment  of  subjection ;  it  might  be  mere  compliment,  as 
in  Joash's  address  to  the  dying  Elisha.^ 

Looking  now  to  Assyria,  we  observe  the  same  usage.  Esar- 
haddon  (G.  Smith,  p.  24)  writes  to  Urtaku,  king  of  Elam:  "Peace 
be  to  Urtaku,  king  of  Elam,  my  brother."  K.  359  (SAS.,  Ahjj., 
II,  p.  51)  begins,  "Letter  of  Ummanaldas,  king  of  Elam,  to 
Asurbanipal,  king  of  Assur.     Peace  be  to  my  brother." 

Considering  family  relationships,  we  may  remember  that 
Sennacherib  was  mar- sarru  rabti;  yet  when  conducting  impor- 
tant operations  in  the  North,  in  his  letters  to  the  king  his  father 
he  emphasizes  his  own  inferior  rank,  beginning  always  :  "To  the 
king,  my  lord,  thy  servant  Sennacherib."  See  HH.  196-199  ; 
568.  Samasmituballit,  we  have  seen,  was  a  younger  son  of 
Esarhaddon.  His  letters  to  the  king  are  then  to  his  father  or 
his  brother.  We  have  two,  H.  341,  82-5-22,  174;  H.  766, 
K.  475  ;  each  beginning,   "To   the  king,  my  lord,  thy  servant, 

3 This  fact  invalidates  the  theory  of  Tiele  and  Lehmann  that  AsurMnipal  might  have 
been  king  of  AsSflr  in  the  lifetime  of  Esarhaddon.  It  is  based  upon  the  fragmentary  K.  2641, 
in  which  a  king  of  A§§ar  addresses  the  king  of  Babylon  as  "  my  father."  See  Lehmann, 
Samai$umukt7i,  p.  36 ;  Tiele,  pp.  330,  352,  370. 


The  Esarhaddon  Succession  51 

Samasmltiiballit.  Peace  to  the  king,  my  lord."  The  require- 
ments of  etiquette  in  Assyria  seem  the  same  as  those  noted  else- 
where. One  should  not  address  the  king  as  "my  brother"  unless 
he  were  the  peer  of  the  king. 

We  have  letters  from  Samassumukin.  In  H.  426,  80-7-19, 
17;  he  calls  the  king  "my  brother"  six  times;  he  does  not  call 
him  "my  lord."  He  himself  is  king  of  Babylon  at  the  time. 
The  broken  H.  809,  K.  5483,  is  from  him  ;  the  king  is  twice 
called  "my  brother."  The  boundary  stone  already  cited  AOF.,  I, 
498  sqq.,  makes  Samassumukin  speak  of  Asurbftnipal  as  abu 
tallmu,  "brother  of  equal  rank."  It  seems  clear  that  he  did 
not  recognize  the  over-lordship  of  Asurbanipal  in  these  docu- 
ments. How  then  shall  we  understand  his  three  short  letters, 
HH.  534-536,  beginning :  "  To  the  king,  my  lord,  thy  servant, 
Samassumukin "  ?  It  is  fair  to  consider  them  addressed  to 
Esarhaddon. 

Does  Asurbanipal  recognize  the  equal  rank  of  Samassumukin  ? 
We  know  he  calls  the  latter  "abu  talimu."  We  have  no  letters 
from  him  to  Samassumukin  in  the  HABL.  vols.  H.  870,  82-5-22, 
107,  already  mentioned,  Johnston  considers  inspired  by  him. 
In  view  of  the.  unwillingness  to  concede  division  of  authority 
therein  shown,  any  incidental  concessions  of  fact  should  be 
accounted  of  much  significance.  His  effort  in  several  inscriptions 
to  make  himself  the  source  of  his  brother's  authority  must  be 
qualified  by  such  incidental  concessions,  and  by  the  data  given 
in  the  preceding  pages. 

Johns,  in  "The  Chronology  of  Asurbanipal's  Reign,"  PSBA., 
1905,  p.  94,  favors  the  contention  of  Asurbanipal.  "If  Esar- 
haddon had  set  his  son  upon  the  throne  of  Babylon,  Samas- 
sumukin must  have  reigned  both  in  B.  C.  669  and  648,  and  would 
thus  have  reigned  22  years.  If  Esarhaddon  did  not  set  him 
upon  the  throne,  no  one  but  Asurbanipal  could  do  it.  There  was 
no  organized  native  power  to  elect  him." 

The  contention  is  not  sound.  The  argument  to  exclude  B.  C. 
669  from  Samassumukln's  reign  would  exclude  it  from  Asurbani- 
pal's also.  Probably  this  should  be  conceded.  Tlu'  data  already 
examined  seem  to  show  that  Esarhaddon's  plans  were  for  the 
simultaneous  accession  of  his  two  sons  after  his  own  death. 
What  organized  native  power  could  then  put  Asurbanipal  on  the 
throne  ? 


52      Notes  on  Some  Officials  of  the  Saegonid  Period 

Johns,  ADD.  477,  K.  448,  has  among  the  witnesses  officers 
of  the  mar-sarru  and  the  mar-sar  Babili.  The  document  is 
dated  in  Nisan.  If  the  general  view  be  correct,  that  the  great 
assembly  in  lyyar  consummated  Esarhaddon's  arrangements  for 
the  succession;  if  this  assembly  be  contemplated  in  the  prepara- 
tions we  have  referred  to  in  the  letters,  the  above  document  must 
be  dated  in  the  following  Nisan;  for  in  the  preceding  one 
Samassumukin  would  have  been  but  a  prospective  mtlr-sar 
Babili.  Letters  cited  name  Asurbanipal  as  already  a  mar- 
sarru,  and  greet  Samassumukin  by  name  only,  seemingly  pend- 
ing his  elevation.  It  would  seem,  then,  that  in  the  Nisan  fol- 
lowing Esarhaddon's  death  each  prince  may  have  been  but  a 
mar-sarru  of  the  empire,  and  that  Samassumukin's  actual 
regal  dignity  must  have  begun  simultaneously  with  that  of  his 
brother. 

Johns  notices  the  proclamation,  83-1-18,  45,  issued  by  Zakutu, 
the  mother  of  Esarhaddon,  Asurbanipal,  Samassumukin,  and 
Samasmittiballit.  It  declares  Asurbanipal  to  be  the  rightful  king 
of  Asstir.  Is  not  Zakutu,  possible  queen  regent,  a  "native  power" 
to  be  reckoned  with?  And  where  is  the  companion  document? 
After  the  solemn  declaration  a  few  months  before,  would 
Samassumukin  have  joined  in  this  proclamation  unless  another 
had  simultaneously  announced  his  own  position?  Again,  why  the 
emphatic  appeal  to  religion,  to  ceremonies,  oracles,  and  portents 
in  the  preparations  of  Esarhaddon,  when  Asurbanipal  had  for  some 
time  previously  been  known  as  mar-sarru?  Clearly,  Asurbani- 
paFs  statement  about  the  great  assembly  in  lyyar  is  only  a  half 
truth,  if  viewed  as  coming  from  a  historian  of  the  times,  but  a 
whole  truth,  if  Asurbanipal  is  only  writing  personal  history;  and 
that  is  what  Assyrian  kings  really  do.  It  would  seem  that  we 
must  believe  that  the  same  solemn  oaths  that  bound  the  nobles  to 
protect  the  mar-sarrtitu  of  Asurbanipal,  and  afterward  his 
kingship  of  Asstir,  bound  them  and  him  to  similar  obligations  in 
the  case  of  Samassumukin  and  the  two  younger  brothers.  Here 
is  a  force  Johns  does  not  fully  recognize.  Asurbanipal,  in  L^,  10, 
acknowledges  that  he  was  bound  in  this  matter  by  an  oath  that 
might  not  be  broken ;  in  VR.  Ill,  77,  he  also  acknowledges  his 
father's  command.  Maspero  [Passing  of  Empires,  p.  381)  recog- 
nizes the  power  of  oaths  and  oracles.  But  for  his  statement  that 
Asurbanipal  proclaimed  himself  King  of  Assyria  at  the  same  time 


The  Esarhaddon  Succession  53 

that  Samassumukin  proclaimed  himself  King  of  Babylon  no 
proof  is  given. 

Johns'  contention  that  Samassumukln's  first  regnal  year  could 
not  be  co-incident  with  Asurbanipal's  (so  also  Hommel,  DB., 
p.  169)  because  Bel-Marduk  was  captive  in  Assyria,  and  the 
Babylonian  king  could  not  there  take  the  hands  of  B6l,  will  not 
stand.  Knudtzon,  No.  149,  specifically  asks  "Let  Samassum- 
ukin take  the  hands  of  Bel"  in  Asstir;  the  very  thing  Johns  and 
Maspero  [Passing  of  Empires,  p.  381)  think  improbable.  In 
citing  this  document  both  curiously  overlook  this  precative.  In 
the  boundary  stone  already  cited,  AOF.  I,  498,  the  return  of  Bel- 
Marduk  is  placed  in  the  reign  of  Samassumukin.  The  writer  of 
that  document  certainly  thought  the  accession  of  the  king  ante- 
dated the  return  of  Bel.  The  Babylonian  Chronicle,  IV,  35,  36, 
says,  sattu  res  Samassumukin  ina  arah  Aarft  ^'"  B6l  u 
ilani  la  "***  Akkadi  ultu  "'"Assur  usunimma  ina  arab 
Aarti  iim  XI  ^^'"ana  Babili  erubtini.  Samassumukin  in 
Stele  S'  and  Cyl.  L,  15-17,  makes  like  statements.  With  these 
Babylonian  claims  compare  Asurbani[)al's  assertion  in  S^  36-48, 
that  the  return  of  Bel  occurred  in  his  reign.  In  L^  II,  26-33, 
he  places  it  in  the  very  beginning  of  his  reign.  He  claims  Mar- 
duk  returned  at  his  tearful  entreaty.  Five  lines  of  prayer  to  the 
god  are  followed  by  two  lines  concerning  Samassumukin's  taking 
the  hands  of  B§1;  then  follow  18  lines  vividly  portraying  the  tri- 
umphal procession  to  Babylon.  The  Assyrian  records  corroborate 
the  Babylonian.  The  argument  of  Johns  that  Samassumukin's 
reign  must  have  commenced  a  year  later  than  his  brother's  does 
not  seem  established.  The  documents  cited  apparently  indicate 
simultaneous  accession  of  the  brothers,  the  hands  of  Bel  being 
taken  in  Assyria  in  accordance  with  Samassumukin's  entreaty  to 
Samas  (see  below).  The  brothers  must  have  actetl  in  concert  in 
the  matter  of  the  return  of  B6l ;  each  telling  of  his  own  connection 
with  the  matter,  in  the  respective  inscriptions,  and  each  adding  a 
reference  to  a  Ij  i '  a   t  a  1 1  m  i '  a . 

Johns,  in  citing  Knudtzon,  No.  149,  says:  "Asurl)ftnipal, 
already  kinrj  of  Assyria,^''  in  the  month  Nisan  inquires  if  Samas- 
sumukin shall  take  the  hands  of  B6l  that  year.  Consequently, 
Samassumukin  could  not  have  become  king  in  the  lyyar  in  which 
his  brother  did.  But  AsurbAnipal  is  not  mentioned  in  this  docu- 
ment!    Neither  is  the   reigning  king  of  Assyria!     The  inquiry 


54      Notes  on  Some  Officials  of  the  Saegonid  Period 

may  have  come  from  the  same  "committee"  that  announced  Asur- 
banipal  as  the  legitimate  successor  in  Assur.  But  if  the  usual 
forms  of  presenting  an  inquiry  be  a  safe  criterion,  we  should  infer 
that  this  inquiry  is  from  Samassumukin  himself,  if  we  agree  that 
No.  147  is  from  Asurbanipal.  Each  is  presented  in  the  normal 
form:  the  third  person.  In  Samassumukln's  supplication  the 
verbs  in  the  opening  sentences  are  precative;  lisbat,  lillik;  the 
following  verbs  are  interrogative;  will  it  be  done?  It  should  be 
noticed  that  not  all  of  these  "Grebete"  are  from  the  kings.  In 
Kn.  143,  144,  we  hear  of  Asurbanipal  as  mar-sarru  sa  bit 
ridtiti;  in  other  later  ones  he  is  sar  Assur,  Maspero  [Passing 
of  Empires,  p.  381)  also  overlooks  the  form  of  the  above- 
mentioned  inquiry  of  Samas,  assuming  that  it  was  from  Asurbani- 
pal. His  statement  that  the  reply  was  not  favorable  is  mere  con- 
jecture; and  the  statement  that  Bel  had  to  be  sent  to  Babylon 
before  Samassumukin  could  take  his  hands  disregards  the  above 
order  of  events  as  narrated  by  Asurbanipal. 

Adding  the  evidence  of  the  building  inscriptions,  we  find  in 
L*  and  S',  Samassumukin  boasts  of  the  restoration  of  Esagila  and 
fizida,  and  the  re-establishment  of  the  sacrifices.  In  S^  L^,  Asur- 
banipal claims  the  credit.  Each  names  his  ahu  talimu  in  his 
own  inscriptions,  and  each  invokes  a  curse  upon  him  who  shall 
erase  the  two  names.  The  statements  are  in  perfect  harmony 
when  we  remember  that  an  oriental  king  names  the  creditable 
actions  in  which  he  participated  without  stating  precisely  the 
part  taken  by  others  therein.  The  two  brothers  apparently  begin 
their  joint  reign  harmoniously  as  equals. 

The  royal  titles  outside  the  RFHarper  letters  give  a  little 
light,  Samassumukin,  in  S'  and  L^,  and  AOF.  I,  498,  does  not 
accord  to  his  brother  the  exalted  titles  given  in  the  same  docu- 
ment to  Esarhaddon.  His  own  title  indicates  territorial  juris- 
diction, as  though  he  were  sole  authority  in  Sumer  and  Akkad. 
Asurbanipal,  in  S^  revels  in  all  the  old  titles:  sarru  rabti,  sarru 
dannu,  sar  kissati,  sar  Assur,  sar  kibrat  irbitti,  sar 
sarrani,  rubti  la  sanan.  He  rules  from  the  lower  sea  to  the 
upper  sea,  and  has  subdued  all  princes  beneath  his  feet.  In  L^ 
is  the  same.  But  he  has  waged  no  campaign;  the  inscriptions 
belong  to  the  very  beginning  of  his  reign,  to  the  time  of  the 
return  of  Bel;  compare  the  parallel  L*,  IV,  I,  ina  umesuma. 
The  extravagant  exordium  is  merely  his  indulging  in  a  little  idio- 


The  Esarhaddon  Succession  55 

matic  Assyrian  upon  the  first  occasion  that  offered,  though  rubtl 
la  sanan  might  conflict  with  his  brother's  claims. 

But  years  later,  in  the  Rassam  cylinder,  we  find  him  going 
back  to  mar-sarru  rabii  sa  bit-riduti.  Is  there  a  sentiment 
in  the  empire  against  his  assumption  of  old  regal  dignities  ?  Has 
the  title  invented  by  Esarhaddon,  and  placed  upon  the  palace  at 
Tarbisi,  come  to  have  a  peculiar  force  ?  While  each  brother  was 
sarru  of  a  territory,  was  each  thought  of  as  only  a  mftr-sarru  of 
the  empire  ?  May  we  compare  the  Eastern  and  Western  Cjesars 
and  Augusti  of  the  twin-capitalled  Roman  Empire?  In  the  course 
of  the  royal  annals,  Asurbanipal  does  not  employ  the  old  regal 
titles  until  the  building  appendix  is  reached  (X,  57,  58).  K. 
2867  (SAS.  Abj).  II,  I)  uses  the  same  phraseology.  This  and 
the  Nebo  and  Belit  inscriptions,  II  R,  66,  celebrate  the  overthrow 
of  Elam.  The  two  latter  call  him  only  sar  Assur.  So  do  K. 
1523  and  K.  2652;  K.  2674  does  so  five  times.  In  line  12  it  has 
the  boast  sarfilamti.  In  69  recur  the  old  regal  titles.  The 
colophons  of  texts  in  his  library  usually  read:  "sar  kissati  sar 
Asstir."  Perhaps  we  should  not  make  much  of  this  current 
abandonment  of  full  old  regal  titles.  As  "Crown  Prince  of  the 
Executive  Mansion"  he  would  like  to  have  us  think  his  brother 
merely  his  deputy;  notice  the  phraseology  in  S^  50-55,  L*,  11-12, 
and  L\ 

We  have  seen  the  brothers'  references  to  each  other.  How  did 
the  Babylonians  regard  them  ?  Did  they  consider  their  king  as 
their  own,  independent,  or  as  one  of  two  co-ordinate  overlords  ? 
In  K.  233,  and  in  H.  702,  81-2-4,  77*  the  Babylonians  bring  com- 
plaints before  the  king.  The  second  letter  shows  the  king  is 
Samassumukln.  The  phraseology  of  direct  address  throughout, 
however,  is  "The  kings  our  lords."  Clearly  the  one  king  before 
whom  the  complaint  is  laid  is  the  local  representative  of  two 
co-ordinate  rulers,  always  joined  in  one  phrase. 

With  this  Babylonian  view  contrast  the  Assyrian.  The  division 
was  not  universally  acceptable  to  them ;  this  must  qualify  our  esti- 
mate of  their  expressions.  Kudurru,  governor  of  Erech,  H.  754, 
K.  5457,  reports  to  Asurbftni{)al.  The  king  of  Babylon  is  for  him 
merely  Samassumukln.  Marduk,  in  H.  807,  Bu.  91-5-9,  90,  does 
likewise.  H.  437,  K.  168  does  the  same.  We  cannot  argue  from 
these  data  with  any  certainty.      Assyrian  officers  would  not  be 

*  See  "The  Semitic  City  of  Refuse"  in  The  Monist,  October,  1905. 


56      Notes  on  Some  Officials  of  the  Sabgonid  Period 

anxious  to  recognize  a  king  of  Babylon,  and  Asurbanipal,  con- 
sidering himself  the  executive  officer  of  the  co-partnership,  might 
not  be  inclined  to  rebuke  such  breaches  of  official  etiquette,  if 
breaches  they  were.  But  there  does  not  seem  to  have  been  per- 
sonal bitterness  between  the  brothers  at  first.  The  policy  to 
which  they  were  sworn  was  distasteful,  but  that  was  all.  The 
numerous  votive  tablets  concerning  the  conquest  of  Elam  con- 
trast curiously  with  the  reticence  upon  the  subject  of  the  over- 
throw of  oamassumukin. 

The  qualifying  phrase,  bit-riduti,  or  bit-kutalli,  may  be 
noticed.  Its  meaning  is  not  precisely  determined.  The  great 
pre-Sargonid  kings  boast  of  their  building  operations,  but  the 
royal  habitation  is  put  before  us  as  "a  stately  pleasure  house." 
Sterner  necessities,  arsenals  and  armories,  are  not  emphasized. 
But  Sennacherib,  Taylor  prism  VI,  28  sqq.,  tells  of  rebuilding  a 
great  arsenal,  or  armory,  an  ekal  kutalli.  As  it  was  too  small, 
he  tore  it  down,  and  rebuilt  it  on  a  new  site,  ana  sutestir 
salmat  kakkade,  the  storing  of  war  munitions,  and  "my  royal 
abode." 

Esarhaddon,  Cyl.  A,  IV,  49  sqq.,  rebuilds  this  ekallu  mabirte, 
emphasizing  its  use  as  an  arsenal,  VI,  46  sqq.,  and  as  a  royal 
abode,  V,  29. 

Asurbanipal  calls  the  great  structure  built  by  Sennacherib  a 
blt-riduti,  VR.  X,  51  sqq.  It  was  built  by  Sennacherib  as  his 
royal  abode;  thus  Asurbanipal  corroborates  his  grandfather's 
statement.  In  I,  27,  we  observe  that  Esarhaddon  was  born  there ; 
in  X,  59,  that  Asurbanipal  was  also.  The  latter  remodels  the 
structure  in  his  turn,  calling  it  still  blt-riduti  and  emphasizing 
its  military  aspects;  in  I,  34  he  mentions  his  own  military  train- 
ing, acquired  within  its  precincts.  It  is  the  markas  sarruti,  in 
I,  24,  "the  bond  of  the  empire" — its  very  life.  In  L*,  II,  4,  bit- 
riduti  is  asar  milki  u  teme,  "the  place  of  consultation  and 
news."  Two  lines  further,  the  kanni  ceremony  (?)  took  place 
within  it.  Compare  the  Rassam  cylinder,  I,  23,  where  it  is  blt- 
riduti,  as  against  ekallu  in  the  L*  passage. 

All  of  the  emphasis  of  the  Sargonids  is  upon  the  administra- 
tive purposes  of  blt-riduti.  Successive  enlargements  of  this 
group  of  government  buildings  are  to  meet  the  administrative 
necessities.  "Harem"  and  "government  building"'  are  equally 
plausible  from  the  etymological  standpoint.     Choice  between  them 


The  Esarhaddon  Succession  57 

should  then  depend  upon  the  evidence  as  to  the  purpose  of,  or  the 
ideas  associated  with,  the  structure.  We  may  notice  Sargonid 
usage  also  in  Esarhaddon,  B,  11,24:  mftt  tanitim  ana  sihirtisa 
ridut  ahisu  usadgil  panussu.  "Harem"  is  not  possible 
here.  We  may  question  if  Esarh addon's  great  dedicatory  feast  or 
the  solemn  proclamation-assembly  in  lyyar  would  be  held  in  a 
harem.  Further,  Samassiimukin  was  as  much  a  son  of  Esarhad- 
don's  "harem"  as  Asurbftnipal  was;  yet  the  title  mftr-sarru 
rabu  sa  bit-ridiiti,  mar-larru  sa  bit-ridtiti,  or  mftr-sarru 
sa  kutalli,  belongs  only  to  the  latter.  We  may  suggest  "Execu- 
tive Mansion"  as  an  approximate  translation;  and  we  can  under- 
stand that,  if  Asurbanipal  could  not  claim  to  be  ''king  of  all  kings, 
king  without  a  rival,"  as  Esarhaddon  was,  he  would  at  least 
emphasize  the  fact  that  he  was  war-lord  of  the  empire,  control- 
ling the  great  central  arsenal;  that  he  was  "Crown  Prince  of  the 
Executive  Mansion."^ 

It  appears,  then,  that  mftr-sarru,  or  mftr-sarru  rabu,  meant 
for  the  Sargonids  the  designated  successor,  as  contrasted  with 
other  sons  of  the  king.  With  the  later  Sargonids,  mftr-sarru 
sa  bit  ridfiti,  or  kutalli,  distinguished  the  ruler  at  the  north- 
ern capital  from  his  confrere  at  the  southern.  Only  Nineveh  has 
a  bit  ridtiti.  We  have  compared  the  two  mftr-sarru  titles  to 
the  Augustus  and  Csesar  dignities  of  the  later  Roman  empire  ; 
and  we  have  on  record  a  dispute  between  two  court  ladies  about 
precedence  which  might  sup[)ort  the  view  that,  so  far  as  the  entire 
empire  was  concerned,  Asurbanipal  was  held  to  be  legitimately 
only  a  mar-sarru  sa  bit  ridfiti ;  that  his  later  claim  upon  the 
old  titles  was  regarded  by  some  as  usurpation,  or  disregard  of  his 
oath.  For  some  discussion  of  this  letter  H.  308,  K.  1G196,  see 
Johnston,  JAOS.,  1899,  pp.  244  sqq. 

"Message  of  the  Princess  to  Asur-sarrat :  Thou  dost  not 
properly  address  thy  letter  to  me,  nor  dost  thou  mention  thine 
own  title.  Will  not  people  say.  This  lady  is  the  peer  of  Sfiru'a- 
6terat,  the  Princess  Royal,  daughter  of  Asur-etil-ilftni-ukinni.  the 
great  king,  the  mighty  king,  the  universal  king,  the  king  of 
Assyria?  And  thou  art  only  the  daughter  of  the  daughter-in- 
law  of  the  wife  of  A3urbA,ni[)al,  the  Crown  Prince  of  the  Executive 
Mansion,  son  of  Esarhaddon,  king  of  Assyria." 

sDelitzsch  connects  kntalla  with  Hebrew  bpS,  Arabic  (jJij.  ShaU  we  understand 
it  as  referring  to  the  concentration  of  military  stores T  Did  the  city  Ku-ta-al-la^' 
in  LIB.  47,  derive  its  name  from  its  being  au  arsenal  city  7 


58      Notes  on  Some  Officials  of  the  Sargonid  Period 

Serti'a-eterat  claims  for  herself  the  title  she  concedes  Asur- 
banipal.  Asur-etil-ilani  we  know  was  succeeded  by  his  brother. 
Had  he  really  designated  his  daughter  as  his  successor?  We 
may  recall  the  prestige  of  Sammuramit,  the  Semiramis  of  the 
Greeks ;  Esarhaddon's  appointment  of  Tabua,  a  lady  brought  up 
at  his  court,  as  ruler  of  an  Arabian  kingdom  (cyl.  A.  Ill,  13  sqq.) ; 
and  the  frequent  occurrence  of  sakintu,  or  lady  saknu,  in 
the  contract  literature.  Compare  also  "the  year  when  the  king 
raised  Nikis-midasu,  the  daughter  of  the  king,  to  rulership  over 
Marbasi"  (Eadau,  EBH.  257;  Scheil,  Eec.  Trav,,  XIX,  55).  On 
EBH.,  p.  186,  Radau  translates  a  tablet  of  a  princess  "a  glorious 
one,"  who  makes  a  votive  offering  of  a  mace  for  the  welfare  of 
her  father. 

The  term  mar-sarru  occurs  in  two  or  three  other  places  in 
the  Sargonid  letters.  In  H.  466,  S.  51,  we  hear  of  mar-sar  "** 
An-di-a-a.  In  H.  633,  K.  1366,  obv.  16,  we  have  ardani  sa 
zinnisat  ekal  mar-sarri.  The  former  is  irrelevant  to  our 
inquiry;  the  latter,  in  a  badly  broken  letter,  affords  no  infor- 
mation. 

What  were  the  motives  for  Esarhaddon's  policy  ?  It  has  been 
thought  that  he  was  predisposed  in  Babylon's  favor,  or  Samas- 
sumukin's,  and  that  a  modification  of  his  first  plans  in  their 
favor  was  forced  at  the  last.  So  Winckler,  AOF.  I,  p.  415. 
The  data  we  have  reviewed  render  this  supposed  order  of  events 
improbable ;  further,  a  disturbance  powerful  enough  to  force 
Samassumukin  out  of  the  destined  kingship  of  Aslur  might  well 
have  forced  him  out  of  all  authority  whatsoever.  We  may  revert 
to  the  tremendous  religious  influences  brought  to  bear  by  Esar- 
haddon.  The  problem  of  sacred  asylum  cities  was  a  serious  one 
for  the  Assyrian  kings. *^  We  know  of  their  alternate  revocation 
and  restoration  of  sacred  privileges ;  their  consecration  and  con- 
fiscation of  temple  lands.  We  hear  of  Sargon,  probably  an 
usurper,  coming  to  the  front  with  a  restoration  of  the  sacred 
privileges  of  5-arran  and  Assur  (cyl.  5  and  6),  which  had  been 
set  aside  by  Salmaneser  IV.  Babylon  was  but  one  item  in  a 
great  problem  ;  and  we  must  add  to  the  elevation  of  Samassumukin 
to  the  kingship  of  Kardunias,  Asurbanipal's  statement  L^,  12,  13, 
that  two  other  brothers  were  placed  at  the  head  of  two  great 
sacred  cities.     Probably    we    should    consider   this  done   at  the 

«See  article,  "  The  Semitic  City  of  Refuge,"  The  Monist,  October,  1905. 


The  Esarhaddon  Succession  59 

command  of  Esarhaddon,  for  the  preceding  statement  about  the 
oath  exacted  by  Esarhaddon  that  might  not  be  broken  fairly 
introduces  the  honors  of  all  three  brothers.  We  may  recognize 
an  effort  to  solve  the  conflict  between  the  secular  power  and  the 
surviving  privileged  cities  by  placing  members  of  his  family  in 
the  four  great  official  positions,  and  binding  all  with  solemn 
oaths.  It  was  as  futile  as  similar  efforts  made  by  Egyptian 
kings. 


THE    KEPU. 

• 

Maspero  {Dawn  of  Civilization,  p.  675)  thinks  this  officer  a 
mere  temple  official.  Johns  ABLCL.,  p.  213,  expresses  the  same 
opinion.  The  data  available  render  this  untenable.  A  temple 
could  have  a  kepu,  as  in  Johns  ADD.,  No.  50,  K.336,  line  9;  but 
in  line  10  the  tartan  has  a  kepu;  in  line  8  is  a  kepu  of  the  new 
palace.  In  Nbk.  460  we  have  a  kepu  of  the  city  of  Rahza. 
Such  passages  are  numerous  and  show  that  the  term  kepu 
expresses  only  the  function  of  the  officer,  suggesting  nothing  as 
to  the  person  or  institution  to  which  he  was  attached. 

He  becomes  especially  important  for  us  when  he  appears  as  a 
royal  official  in  subject  provinces,  where  interference  with  the 
religious  institutions  of  the  nation  is  improbable.  In  VR.  I.  58 
and  110-11  Asurbanipal  speaks  of  ki-e-pa-ni  sa  ki-rib  Mu- 
sur  u-pa-ki-du  abu  ba-nu-u-a;  in  II,  32,  of  sarrftni 
pahate  ki-pa-a-ni  sa  ki-rib  Mu-sur  as-ku-nu.  We  can 
hardly  think  these  important  deputies  were  temple  attendants  of 
any  kind.  In  Assyria  the  kepu  may  often  have  been  the  chief 
official  of  a  city.'  Asurbanipal,  VR.  VI,  83,  also  speaks  of 
ki-pa-a-ni  of  cities  of  Elam.  In  81-6-25,  Nbk.,  109,  we  have 
ki-i-pi    sa    mat    tamtim    and    a    ki-i-pi    sa    a-^u-ul-la-'a. 

Again,  the  kepu  is  an  important  factor  in  political  disturb- 
ances in  Assyria  and  Babylonia.  In  H.  542,  K.  114,  the  kepani 
of  Bit-Dakkuri  are  abroad  on  a  raid,  and  the  kepu  of  the 
beleaguered  Bab-Bitka  appeals  to  Sargon  for  help,  asking  that 
the  saknu  bring  troops.  We  might  infer  that  the  kepu  is 
not  himself  in  command  of  troops;  that  his  functions  are 
not  military. 

The  kepu  is  not  frequent  in  the  RFHarper  letters.  In  addi- 
tion to  the  case  just  cited,  we  may  notice  H.  437,  K.  168,  rv.  9. 
Order  is  being  restored  in  Akkad;  the   satamme  and  kepani 

1  Delitzsch,  £.4iS.  II,  36,  reads  EN.:6E.MES  as  kSpftni,  not  bel-alSni,  in  H.  88, 
K.  507;  S.  A.  Smith  reads  it  b^zanate;  (so  also  Delitzsch,  AL.  1,  No.  69;  Brunnow  2826. 
These  only  show  uncertainty  as  to  the  precise  character  of  the  ofBcer  known  as  ''  the  lord  of 
a  town"). 

60 


The  Kfipu  '  61 

are  in  much  fear  of  the  king.  In  H.  442,  K.  543,  the  ki-bn-a- 
ni  whom  the  king  has  appointed  at  Asstir  have  .  .  .  .  se  nu-sa-hi, 
se  si-ib-se  i-sab-bu-u.  This  handling  of  royal  grain  is 
significant.  In  H.  524,  K.  588,  news  from  Nabfl-ukannik  is 
given,  "not  as  Nabu-ukannik  wrote  it,  but  as  his  ki-pa-nu 
wrote  it."  In  H.  214,  K.  831,  a  k6pu  is  in  charge  of  the  city 
@amu;  acting  as  a  pabfttu?  In  H.  95,  K,  1151,  the  k6pu  of 
Zibte  with  some  other  officials  and  fifty  laborers  ( ?)  is  asked  for. 
A  satammu,  ki-e-pu,  and  a  dupsarru  are  mentioned  in  a 
broken  letter  about  some  gold,  H.  470,  83-1-18,  5.  Some  k6pu 
of  D6ri  has  called  for  2000  soldiers  (or  workmen?)  for  balfiu 
cities,  in  H.  868,  81-2-4,  119.  Three  or  four  broken  passages 
yield  no  information,  showing  merely  the  title.  In  none  do  we 
hear  of  a  kepu  in  a  private  or  unofficial  relation.  These 
various  data  do  not  permit  us  to  rest  with  the  theory  of  a  mere 
temple  official,  nor  can  we  maintain  that  the  k6pu  is  always  a 
government  official. 

Johns  is  surely  correct,  in  ADD.  II,  p.  85,  in  his  discussion  of 
the  first  eight  lines  of  col.  Ill,  K.  4395.  As  the  first  is  the  »°^«i 
ki-e-pu,  the  second  the  """^^  TIL.GID-da,  also  known  to  be 
the  kgpu,  and  the  seventh  the  ^'"^^^NI.GAB,  usually  read 
k^pu,  he  conjectures  that  the  intervening  four  may  represent 
phases  of  the  kfipu's  functions.  Yet  with  these  hints  he  does 
not  seem  to  have  clearly  comprehended  them,  conjecturing  a 
rural  magistrate  as  distinguished  from  an  urban  one.  Magisterial 
functions  are  unproven  by  our  data.  Later  in  ABLCL.,  Johns 
conjectured  a  temple  functionary. 

The  seven  titles  referred  to  are,  '"'»«' ki-e-pu,  "'"f-iTIL. 
GID-da,  '^"'sirab  irris6,  **"«' rab  balsu,  ^^'"^'rab  birte, 
Samel  rab  imer  u-rat,  '«™«'NI.GAB.  If  these  are  develop- 
ments from  the  primitive  function  we  should  be  interested  in 
determining  what  that  was.  Johns'  theory  of  a  rural  magistrate 
will  not  explain  it,  nor  harmonize  with  the  occasional  appearance 
of  the  k6pu  in  connection  with  a  temple  or  as  the  agent  of  a 
private  individual. 

The  first  ideogram  above,  "*"*' TIL. GID-da,  is  also  written 
TIL- la  GID-da,  H.  542,  K.  114.  <.bv.  S;  Tl-la  GID-dn. 
MEg,  Str.  Nbd.  No.  637,  8,  or  Tl-hi  MKS.  Str.  Nbd.  102. 
In  the  salutations  we  meet  the  phrase  fim6  Tl-hi  (i  ID -da  or 
TIL-la    GID-da,    "days    of    long    life;    also    GID-da    tlmfi. 


62      Notes  on  Some  Officials  of  the  Sakgonid  Period 

H.736,  K.  1030,  obv.  6.  The  ^-^^i  TIL -la  GID-da  would  then 
appear  to  be  "the  man  who  prolongs  life."  Winckler,  AOF.  II, 
p.  12,  collates  K.  3500,  K.  444,  K.  10235.  Esarhaddon  is  cursing 
the  rebels  of  Egypt,  Philistia,  and  Phoenicia.  In  lines  11,  12, 
"May  thy  life  ....  and  letters  which  I  have  sent  thee  for  a  living 
from  the  kepu  thou  shalt  not  ....  If  the  kepu  is  not  gracious, 
thou  shalt  see  his  face,  thou  shalt  break  into  weeping,  not  by 
their  means  (shalt  thou  prevail?),"  The  fragment  at  least 
suggests  that  indigent  persons  might  be  recommended  to  the 
kepu,  or  appeal  to  him  for  sustenance. 

The  third  title  above  is  "chief  of  the  farmers."  This  idea 
connects  well  with  the  preceding  one.  Compare  Gen.  47 :  14-26. 
The  Hebrew  tradition  makes  Joseph  to  be  born  under  Babylo- 
nian law  in  the  province  of  ^arran,  and  to  introduce  into  Egypt 
a  land  system  whereby  the  tillable  soil  falls  largely  into  the  hands 
of  the  king,  as  in  modern  Turkey,  and  the  hands  of  the  priests. 
The  system  is  based  upon  a  distribution  of  fortified  store  cities. 
The  bankrupt  farmer  secures  cattle,  seed,  and  provisions  from  the 
royal  agents.  The  live  stock  is  largely  owned  by  the  government. 
The  historicity  of  the  narrative,  or  the  antiquity  of  the  system  in 
Egypt,  does  not  here  concern  us.  It  suffices  that  such  a  system 
was  known  to  the  Hebrew,  was  considered  due  to  a  former 
Babylonian  subject,  and  that  Joseph's  function  was  "to  preserve 
life;"  Gen.  45:5;  47:25.  Zaphnath-paaneah  has  sometimes  been 
thought  to  be  a  corruption  of  some  god's  name  -|-  "  let  there  be 
life." 

We  may  include  in  the  comparison  now  the  rab  halse,rab 
birte,  and  rab  urate;  they  would  be  readily  explicable  from  the 
preceding  suggestions  as  developments  of  the  kepu.  We  may 
notice  Nbk.  460;  Nadinu  says,  "My  lord,  thou  knowest  that  for 
seeds  to  the  kepu  of  Kahza  I  sent,  and  money  for  the  seeds  I 
gave  him."  The  kepu  of  Hararate  sends  a  supply  of  domestic 
animals  to  Sennacherib,  Taylor  Prism,  I,  52  sqq.  How  impor- 
tant these  distributed  store  cities  would  be,  in  peace  and  in  war, 
needs  no  minute  discussion.  They  were  at  all  times  the  life  of 
pauperized  masses;  and  necessarily  strong  cities  as  well  as  store 
cities,  c/.  Exod.  1: 11.  The  overseer  of  such  was  not  necessarily 
magistrate  or  military  oflacer.  But  he  was  required  to  be  a  capable 
man  of  business,  and  a  methodical  accountant.  We  have  already 
noticed  the  kepu's  connection  with  the  balsu,  and  a  requisition 


The  Kepu  63 

for  workmen  for  such  cities,  in  H.  868.  The  famous  Nabu-bel- 
sumate  is  a  k6pu  in  Taylor  Prism  I.  52,  and  is  k6i)u  of  an 
ai'^  birat  in  H.  88,  K.  507.  We  may  add  that  the  salutations  in 
H.  247,  K.  1027,  suggest  that  an  "'»  birftt  was  not  identical 
with  "garrison  city,"  repetition  not  being  the  rule  in  salutations. 
Compare  Br.  1562:  bi-ra-ti  =  ki-ru-u,  "grove,  orchard." 

Various  cuneiform  inscriptions  speak  of  such  stores,  or  store 
cities,  gammurabi.  Prologue  III,  18  sqq.,  extends  the  tillable 
land  of  Dilbat,  and  heaps  up  stores  of  grain  tor  l^ras.  Similar 
corn  stores  are  mentioned  by  Gudea.  Sargon,  Cyl,  37—42,  men- 
tions his  similar  efforts.  His  uniform  prices,  we  may  be  sure, 
could  not  be  maintained  unless  the  government  itself  were  in  the 
market,  with  ample  granaries.  "The  king's  price"  appears  also 
in  the  Code  of  Qammurabi,  §51. 

Joseph's  system  would  not  only  make  him  "the  chief  farmer" 
of  Egypt,  but  also  chief  of  the  royal  stud  and  herds,  and  hence 
the  employment  of  his  brothers  as  subagents.  So,  in  the  titles  dis- 
cussed, a  rab  urate  would  be  a  logical  development  of  an  expand- 
ing system;  we  find  him  immediately  after  the  rab  birt6. 
Xabusumiddin  in  the  RFHarper  letters  is  the  chief  of  the 
king's  stud,  reporting  regularly  arrivals  of  horses,  detailing 
variety,  condition,  training,  etc.  In  H.  557,  K.  893,  some  one 
complains  of  him  for  having  exacted  from  the  servants  of  the 
king  from  the  fields  of  the  birte  ali  provisions  in  excess  of  the 
royal  orders.  Thus  the  rab  urate  and  the  k6pu  seem  connected 
by  occasional  references  with  the  ^'"bftlsfi  and  "*"  birate.  In 
LIH.  56,  88,  sab  birti  of  a  city  are  mentioned,  in  connection  with 
grain  to  be  furnished  them.  Add  the  letters  of  ^Jammurabi  con- 
cerning his  cattle  (King,  LIH.),  and  the  royal  herd  accounts  in 
the  E.  A.  Hoffman  collection  (Radau,  KBH.)\  compare  Mesha, 
king  of  Moab  "a  sheepmaster."  In  Camb.  11)4,  the  «"''''  TIL. la 
GID.da  of  fil)abbara,  is  the  proper  ]>erson  to  receive  200  geese 
for  the  temple.  It  seems  that  hf  Ifts  out  50  "mother  geese," 
requiring  a  return  of  200  geese  within  the  year.  For  the  seizure 
of  choice  animals  by  royal  agents,  compare  Neb.  I,  col.  I,  51  sqq.; 
contrast  1  Sam.  8:15-17;  12:3. 

That  such  agents  were  equally  imp<irtant  in  tin-  management 
of  temple  property,  or  that  of  individuals,  is  apparent  at  sight. 
The  temple  stores  arc  well  described  V)y  Johns,  .1  BLCL.,  211  sqq. 
In  82-7-4,  13,  we  have  a  single  [lage  of  a  k^pu's  account  book. 


64      Notes  on  Some  Officials  of  the  Sargonid  Period 

Pinches  {BOB.  II,  143)  thought  it  a  list  of  "gifts  to  a  house 
of  God."  Its  meaning  is  clearer  today.  Of  765  measures  of 
grain  borrowed,  only  150  were  returned  directly  to  the  kepu;  the 
rest  was  delivered  at  his  order  to  various  other  parties.  In  H. 
516,  81-27,  31,  is  the  only  passage  in  the  KFHarper  letters 
connecting  a  kepu  with  temples:  "Nabu-ahe-iddin  the  kepu  of 
Esagila,  I  have  put  in  charge  of  the  revenues  of  all  the  temples 
round  about  Babylon."  Clearly  he  is  not  the  servitor  of  some 
god,  but  a  capable  business  manager,  handling  temple  magazines 
and  lands  as  royal  ones  were  handled. 

Taxes  being  largely  paid  in  kind,  we  can  understand  the 
necessity  of  Assyrian  kepani  in  Egypt,  not  as  tax  collectors,  but 
as  guardians  of  the  store  system  upon  which  the  farmer's  ability  to 
pay  taxes  depended.  The  kepu  in  the  land  of  Elam  was  probably 
called  a  sarnuppu  ;  see  H.  281,  K.  13.^  Nabu-bel-sumate,  once 
a  kepu  in  Babylonia,  is  in  Elam  dealing  with  a  similar  custodian 
of  stores. 

1  Kings  4:26-28;  9:15-19;  10:26;  1  Chron.  27:25-31; 
2  Chron.  9 :  5-12  tell  of  similar  developments  in  Israel,  probably 
adopted  from  the  Canaanites.  Whether  or  not  they  existed  in 
Canaan  before  the  domination  of  Babylonia,  about  2100  B.  C,  is 
yet  to  be  determined.  Vast  subterranean  storehouses  have  been 
found  at  Tell  Zakariyeh  and  elsewhere  {PEFSt.,  1899).  Neh. 
6 : 1-13  and  Is.  5:8  are  worthy  of  note.  The  last  passage  may 
recall  the  contrast  between  the  small  amounts  of  money  or 
produce  mentioned  in  contracts  of  the  first  empire  and  the 
enormous  quantities  named  in  contracts  of  the  Persian  period. 
The  small  land  owner  may  have  become  extinct  in  Babylonia. 
( Cf.  1  Sam.  8 :  14. )  We  do  not  yet  know  that  the  Israelite 
store  cities  were  administered  like  those  of  Egypt  or  Babylonia. 
The  numerous  loans  without  interest  from  stores  in  Babylonia 
may  have  been  to  persons  who  were  renting  land  from  the  lender. 
Joseph's  tenants  of  royal  lands  pay  a  rental  of  one-fifth  the  crop, 
which  recalls  a  common  rate  of  interest  in  Babylonia.  That  royal 
lands  and  temple  lands  were  handled  upon  the  same  basis  of 
valuation  may  be  indicated  by  the  frequent  dedication  of  lands  to 
the  temples.  The  tenants  apparently  but  changed  landlords,  pay- 
ing the  temple  what  they  formerly  paid  the  king.  Compare 
1  Sam.   8  :  15,  17  with  Lev.  27  :  30;  see  Ezra  7  :  20-27,  and  Eze- 

2  Treated  by  Johnston,  AEL.,  p.  139,  and  Van  Gelderen,  BAS.,  IV,  257. 


The  Kfipu  65 

kiel's  endowment  scheme,  45.  A  comparison  of  Br.  t)475,  6499, 
6513,  shows  the  ideogram  for  zakli  used  to  express  "tithe,"  or 
tenth.  The  "dedicated  land"  paitl  the  same  rate  in  Assyria  that 
was  customary  in  Israel.  How  okl  the  system  was  that  put  the 
cultivation  of  the  temple  lands  out  of  the  hands  of  the  priests 
themselves  we  do  not  know.  The  Code  of  Hammurabi,  4:^^^  178, 
182,  suggests  that  it  may  have  existed  then.  In  LIH.,  No.  38,  a 
patesi  is  transferred  fnjiu  tlu'  service  of  one  man  to  that  of 
another;  and  the  new  employer  is  reminded  that  he  is  responsible 
for  the  management  of  the  patesi's  tield.  Yet  in  83-1-18,  264, 
Nbd.  U34,  a  saugu  of  Sippara  loans  temple  corn.  Probably  this 
implies  that  the  temple  was  temporarily  without  a  business 
manager.     Compare  Neh.  13  :  10  sq<i. 

An  ideogram  for  kepu  not  found  in  K.  4305  is  AL-la 
GID-da,  Brtlnnow,  5752;  suggestive  of  TIL-la  GID-dn. 
But  instead  of  "lenfftheninfj  life"  this  would  seem  to  indicate 
"to  lengthen  or  foster  agriculture."  For  Briinnow,  5750,  shows, 
GIS.AL  =  GIS.APIN;  5771,  AL.DI  =  eresu;  5758,  «™«» 
AL.AG.A  is  raplku.  This  word  Delitzsch  [HWB.,  626) 
allies  with  sak&ku,  "to  ])lough  or  harrow;"  cf.  CH.,  col.  XIII, 
14,  20,  and  sikki,  ''a  plough,"  in  modern  Arabic  in  Syria. 
Brflnnow,  5772,  GI8.8A.AL.H AB  is  alluhappu  or  sakku 
sa  s6'im,  "grain  sack."  The  agricultural  associations  of  AL 
are  marked.  This  new  ideogram  "fosterer  of  agriculture  ( ?)" 
recalls  the  rab    irris6  in  the  K.  4395  series. 

This  connection  of  the  k6pu  with  the  agricultural  interests  of 
the  country  in  all  its  phases,  and  his  importance  when  supervis- 
ing temple  or  government  lands,  suggests  some  possil)ilities  rela- 
tive to  early  Sunu»rian  kings.  """^'APIN,  respectfully  addressed 
in  some  IlFHar[)er  letters,  might  be  a  title  for  tli.'  king  him- 
self. In  the  EAH.  collection  (Kadau,  EBH.),  are  very  old 
accounts  of  royal  agents.  In  some  of  these  tlie  king  seems  to  be 
caUed  "farmer."  P  A.LUG  AL.ENG  A  K  in  KAH.  34,  Radau 
reads  "overseer  of  royal  shepherds"  (hJHJI.  ]>.  370);  but 
ENGAK  is  usually  read  "farmer"  and  is  in  the  ailjective  posi- 
tion, making  one  think  of  "otfieiT  of  the  farmer  king."  Com- 
pare also  EAH.  25;  the  oxen  accounted  for  to  the  farmer  king 
are  specifically  "plough  oxen."  Such  "Farmer  king"  as  title 
may  be  compared  with  the  Hindoo  Gai-kwar  or  "Cowherd"  of 
Baroda.     Notice  also  Brflnnow  3810-21  ;  ""''"  AB  may  be  either 


66      Notes  on  Some  Officials  of  the  Sargonid  Period 

"farmer,  prince,  or  elder;"  suggesting  a  time  when  princes 
were  farmers.  Those  believing  the  Sumerians  to  be  Mongols 
may  recall  that  the  Chinese  Emperor,  the  "Son  of  Heaven"  still 
plows  at  an  annual  agricultural  ceremony.  Again,  UR-Ningir- 
su  (Arad-Ninib?)  name  of  an  early  king,  is  simply  irrisu  or 
ikkaru,  Br.  11267.  Literally  it  is  "servant  of  Ningirsu,"  who 
is  Ninib,  Br.  10996,  the  NIN.APIN,  Br.  11007,  or  DINGIR. 
APIN,  Br.  1020,  or  "lord  of  dates,"  Br.  767.  Radau  {EBH. 
23)  quotes  Bur-Sin,  the  SIB. SAG  or  "chief  shepherd"  of 
Nippur,  and  ENGAR.LIG.GA  of  Ur ;  "mighty  farmer" 
instead  of  Radau's  "powerful  shepherd"  seems  natural.  Invo- 
cations of  Nisaba,  the  "harvest-goddess,"  by  the  early  Baby- 
lonian rulers,  are  to  be  considered.  Against  such  Sumerian  ideas 
set  the  Semitic  preference  for  "faithful  shepherd,"  familiar  in 
royal  inscriptions  from  Hammurabi  onward.  Yet  the  older  view 
does  not  wholly  disappear:  Babylonian  kings  boast  the  title  of 
"cultivator  of  the  sacred  tree;"  Nebuchadnezzar  II.  calls  himself 
"Farmer  of  Babylon."  Hence  ^'^^^  APIN  might  be  a  royal 
title  in  some  RFHarper  letters.  In  the  collision  of  agriculturists 
of  the  river  valleys  (see  TIK.EN-na)  and  Semitic  shepherds  of 
the  highlands,  it  has  been  suggested  that  we  might  find  a  basis 
for  legends  like  that  of  Cain  and  Abel. 

These  accounts  of  royal  plough  cattle,  of  temple  stores,  and 
granaries  of  the  gods,  let  us  understand  that  a  k6pu  would  be 
needed  by  every  large  landholder,  sacred  or  secular.  Four  sec- 
tions of  the  Code  of  Hammurabi,  253-56,  deal  with  this  system 
of  farming.  The  data  above  concerning  AL  and  the  kepu 
suggest  "means  of  cultivation"  as  the  meaning  of  the  ideogram 
AL.KAK.A  (eresu  +  epesu).  Such  means  our  various  cita- 
tions have  shown  to  be  cattle,  seed,  and  sustenance  while  raising 
a  crop.  "Implements,"  as  Johns  translates,  is  too  restricted. 
Yet  tools  were  sometimes  supplied.  In  82-9-18,  116,  Str.  Cyr. 
26,  a  wealthy  contractor,  Sula,  leases  60  gur  of  land  from  the 
ki-i-pi  of  Ebabbara,  and  is  furnished  with  12  oxen,  8  irrise,  or 
cultivators,  3  iron  ploughshares,  4  hoes,  and  5  appata  of 
corn  for  seed,  for  support  of  the  irrise,  and  for  provender 
for  the  cattle.  The  renter  guarantees  the  temple  300  gur 
of  corn.  Tools  probably  came  from  the  sutummu,  or  "store- 
house" of  the  temple,  supervised  by  the  satammu.  Ob- 
serve the    sa-tam    bit    unati,  or    "keeper   of  the  tool  house," 


The  Kfipu  67 

in  Boundary  Stone  108,  Col.  IV,  9.  This  assistant  of  the  kSpu 
and  TU.biti  frequently  occurs;  notice  the  «'"'*' s6-tam  "'"*' 
TU.bIti  ii"Marduk  in  V.  A.  451,  KB.  IV,  p.  152.  SA. 
GAL  in  the  sections  of  the  Code  is,  as  Johns  translates,  ''prov- 
ender" (Br.  8051,  ukullu;  see  HIVB.),  rather  than  "growing 
plants"  (RFHarper).  Compare  K.  28G7,  27;  ukulti  ali)6  sSni. 
In  EAH.  1  [EBH.,  p.  823),  we  have  "10  gur  grain  of  the 
king  for  one  (?)  gur  cop[)er,  as  provender  for  the  cattle."  {Cf. 
II  R.  39,  54,  c.  d.)  In  EAH.  5  {EBH.  824)  we  again  have 
ukullu  as  food.  The  four  sections  of  the  Code  are  valuable  as 
showing  the  indigence  of  the  man  who  was  dependent  uf)on  the 
k6[)u  system  of  farming.  Men  tinancially  responsible,  §45  42- 
65,  make  compensation  or  restitution  for  their  delinquencies.  In 
the  k6pu  system  the  Code  apparently  assumes  that  the  delin- 
quent has  nothing  wherewith  to  repay,  and  punishes  him,  for  a 
minor  offense,  by  mutilation;  for  total  delinquency  he  is  torn  to 
pieces  by  oxen  (Johns,  DB.  V,  (307).  Such  punishment  may 
indicate  that  those  dependent  upon  the  kepu  may  have  belonged 
largely  to  the  politically  inferior  muskSnu  class.  We  have 
therein  some  suggestion  as  to  the  hard  lot  of  the  man  who  should, 
according  to  Esarhaddon's  wish,  tind  the  k6pu  in  a  bad  humor. 

No  English  word  seems  to  me  to  exactly  express  the  meaning 
of  the  word  k6pu.  As  the  agent  of  private  parties  he  is  nearly 
the  "factor"  of  the  English  landholder;  but  as  supervisor  of 
government  stores  or  temple  revenues  he  has  not  his  equivalent 
in  western  civilization  though  remotely  suggesting  the  Indian 
agent  of  the  American  Indian  reservations.  I  prefer  to  leave  the 
term  untranslated. 

The  ideogram  NI.GAB  i.s  often  translated  '"p(nter."  As  a 
name  for  the  k6pu,  it  may  go  back  to  the  primitive  custodian 
or  "doorkeeper"  of  communal  granaries.  A  Nabfl-b6l-suniAte  is 
a  NI.GAB  in  Johns'  -4L>D.  9,  line  14.  A  rab  NI.GAB.MES 
occurs  in  ADD.  No.  150,  line  6. 


VITA. 

I  was  born  in  Cooper  County,  Missouri,  on  the  twenty-first  of 
November,  1864,  the  oldest  son  of  Rev.  William  C.  Godbey,  a 
minister  of  the  Methodist-Episcopal  Church,  South.  My  prepara- 
tory and  classical  training  was  received  under  home  instruction, 
while  I  acted  as  tutor  for  my  younger  brothers.  I  entered  Mor- 
risville  Institute  in  September,  1879,  receiving  the  degree  of 
A.M.  from  that  institution  in  June,  1883.  During  the  succeed- 
ing nineteen  years  I  was  constantly  employed  in  teaching,  journal- 
ism, and  pastoral  work,  my  leisure  being  occupied  with  historical 
and  linguistic  studies,  and  the  preparation  of  some  volumes  of  a 
popular  character.  Having  given  special  attention  to  Semitic 
studies,  I  entered  the  University  of  Chicago  in  the  summer  of 
1902,  and  was  appointed  Fellow  in  Semitics.  This  rank  I  held 
three  years,  receiving  the  degree  of  Doctor  of  Philosophy  in 
June,  1905. 

While  a  student  at  the  University  I  attended  the  courses  of 
President  William  R.  Harper,  and  Professors  Robert  F.  Harper, 
Ira  M.  Price,  H.  L.  Willett,  Shailer  Mathews,  J.  R.  Jewett,  and 
the  late  George  S.  Goodspeed.  To  all  of  these,  but  pre-eminently 
to  the  first,  my  thanks  are  due,  and  my  indebtedness  is  hereby 
gratefully  acknowledged.  However,  for  the  results  of  this  inves- 
tigation and  the  views  here  expressed  I  alone  am  responsible. 

OF  THE  ^^ 


UNIVER2 

OF 


^^ETURN  TO  DeI^"^^  ^SE 

LOAN  DEPT 

This  book  ic  J  "^  ■■  "^  ■  • 


02,5 


"^'-C'"-    JW    9-75 


""«^3'S10>476— A-33 


,,„.^i«al  Library 


